ORIGIN OF CHANDALA THEORY BLASTED – BOOK REVIEW
The volume Anwesha (Bengali: meaning search, probe, investigation) by Sipra Biswas is an anatomical analysis of social life of Ben- gal. She is unconventional in her approach towards the issue of caste, crime, social superiority of certain castes, Kinism, prostitution, etc. of the Bengali Hindus. Based on materials of archival im- portance, the book has adopted the Ambedkar approach. While dealing with the four-fold caste system, she has-exposed convincingly the futility of its divine origin.
ORIGIN OF THE CHANDAL
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar says, for example,
“The caste of Chandala is said by Manu to be the progeny of illegitimate intercourse between a Sudra male and a Brahman female. Can this be true? It means that Brahman women must have had special sexual attraction for the Sudras… So vast is the Chandala population that even if every Brahman female was a mistress of a Sudra, it could not account for the vast numbers of Chandalas in the country”. (p.64).
To highlight its inherent significance, Sipra has focused her searchlight on 1872 census and juxtaposed Brahman and Chanda- la population. In Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and Assam, there were over 15,94,000 Chandalas as against 23,72,000 Brahmans. (p.67). She has questioned as to why Bihar or Orissa did not return Chandalas though Sudras were neighbours of the Brahmans there too. Further, why the heartland of Hinduism i.e., Aryasatya, is bereft of Chandal though the two castes responsible for his progeny lived their side by side since centuries. In some of the districts of Bengal even, though Brahmans were numerically superior, the Chandalas were inordinately few, raising questions about the motives of Hindu lawgivers like Manu and others who advocated illegitimate birth of Chandal. Sipra asks with justifiable candour:
Were Bengali Brahman females more liberal in showering their charms on their Sudra males than their counterparts elsewhere? (p.68).
Presentation census of data on this speaks volumes of the futility of Manu and his ilk. HEART LAND OF PROSTITUTION The lower Provinces of Bengal, according to the 1872 census, had thriving prostitution: of the 40,277 public women, Bengal proper accounted for 93.5%, whereas Bihar 4%, Orissa 2% and Assam 0.7%. Calcutta alone had the pride accommodating over 40% (i.e. 15,380) of those unfortunate souls (p.231-233). In this background Sipra discusses the role of Kulin’s in polluting the Bengal social environment. An inquiry report submit- ted by a committee consisting, among others, of Pandit Ishwar Chandra Sarma alias Vidyasagar, the reputed social reformer, made startling disclosure on luminism of Brahmans and the immorality and evils it generated. This report reveals that as many as “3 and 4, even 23 marriages” were performed by a Kulin Brahman in one day. (p.28). Kulin Brahmans with 100 wives were not uncommon and polygamy was resorted to as a means of business and livelihood. | Dwelling on this system, the committee reported to the Govt. of Bengal:
“It is so difficult to find husbands in the proper class for, Kulin women that numbers, it is said, remained unmarried. The married and unmarried daughters and wives of kulans are said to live in the utmost misery and it is alleged that crimes of the most heinous nature, such as adultery, abortion, infanticide and prostitution are the common results of Bhanga Kulin marriages generally”. (p.241).
John Wilson, former Vice-Chancellor, Bombay University, said in 1877:
“The houses of ill-fame at Calcutta and other large towns are filled with the daughters of Kulin Brahmans” (p.209). The extent of sex exploitation is evident from “a mid-nineteenth century report estimates that of the 12,000 prostitutes in Calcutta, more than 10,000 were Hindu widows and daughters of Kulin Brahmans”. (p.238). Contemporary report indicates that sexual promiscuity resulted in monthly 10,000 abortions in the last century in Bengali”. (p.242).
BAIDYA & KAYASTH AGITATION
A picture of angelical innocence about the Bengalis has been created by deliberate propaganda to suppress the dirty interiors of caste. Contrary to such general belief that Bengalis free from caste – conflicts and strife, Sipra presents an entirely different picture. Almost all non-Brahman castes, for instance, agitated before the authorities for change of caste nomenclotures. Baidyas wanted to be upgraded and enumerated in the 1931 census as Brahman, where- as Kayasths as Kshatriyas in 1921 and again in 1931. In the 1911 census, the weight of representations from various castes was over 1 1/ 2 mound! (p.247-249). Only Nama Sudras and Maisha’s succeeded to get their caste names changed. ‘
BHADRALOK CASTE CONFLICTS,
The intense bitterness and conflict between the Baidyas and Kayasths (p.251-256) as also between Kayasths and Brahmans (p.309- 310) in the early part of this century appears inconvenient and hence, forgotten chapiters of social history of Bengal. This forms a very interesting chapter.
UPPER CASTE DISEASES & ‘CRIMES
Another unknown chapter of history is the high incidence of infirmities of the upper caste Bengali Hindus. The Brahmans and Kayasths particularly were leading in diseases than many “low and despised” castes. For instance, per 1 lakh Brahmans (in West Benga) l 177 Brahman males and 70 females suffered from leprosy. For Kayasth it was 159 and 39 respectively. The corresponding figure for Ciabatta, in contrast, was 81 and 25 and Pod 49 and 36. In Eastern Bengal, Chandal (Nama- Sudra) 56 males and 15 females suffered from leprosy, according to the 1891 census. Similarly, data on insanity, blindness and deaf and mutism have been marshalled to demolish the irrational superiority of the upper castes. What appears most striking is the study-of crimes and criminals reflecting relative position of different castes in Bengal. The book reveals that in 1872, according to official report, the Brahmans accounted for 6% of the convicted prisoners, though they accounted for 3.75% of the population. The Kayasths accounted for 6.1% of the convicts, but they were bare 2.4% of the population of the province. (p. 202). To Nall a point disarmingly, Sipra has quoted the 1911 census report which says, “The largest number of Hindu criminals (in Bengal) are Kayasths and Brahmans” which accounted for 7 and 4 per 10,000 (p.210) despite the fact that these two castes along with the Baidyas enjoyed complete monopoly in the appointments of Deputy Magistrates, Munis’s, besides, ICS, high court judges, police etc. These functionaries could advisedly influence the prosecution of criminals of their own castes. In 1901, of the 492 Deputy/Sub-deputy Magistrates, 128 were Brahmans, 144 Kayasths and 70 Baidyas. 2 Brahman, 13 Kayasth, and 7 were ICS officers.
(p.206). In Bengal proper 47,000 zamindars were Brahmans, and 62,000 Kayasths (p.116). Their role in subverting judicial process and vitiating process of trial was just immense.
DACOIT KULINS
These facts, in the background of insinuation by Sunanda K Datta- Ray, the then editor of the States- man, Calcutta, that the destitute Nama Sudra refugees are responsible for providing manpower for West Bengal’s politico-criminal underworld, (p.198) sound malicious and abuse of his privilege as the editor of a reputed daily. Datta- Ray’s songs of praise for the Bhadralok (actual and original meaning of Bhadralok is not gentleman but it is a euphemism for Bengali Brahman, Baidyas and Kayasths only) is partisan and charges against the Nama Sudras | unfounded. John Wilson says that “the husbands of these Kulin women have lately been found, to the most ex- tricordia extent, among the most notorious and dangerous dacoit’s”. (p.208).
MORALITY OF BHADRALOK. WOMEN
incessant propaganda by upper castes has created a misconception that the “low castes” indulged in disreputable occupations. Anwesha not only forcefully demolish- es these misgivings by parading enough data but has established that the role of upper castes in dis- reputable occupations is dominant and disproportionately high too. If actual workers are considered, the ratio of Brahman female in disreputable occupation was 53:1 and 15:1 in 1901 and 1911 as against 63:1 and 48:1 for Bagdi female. It was 405:1 and 57:1 for Dom’s and 299:1 and 32:1 for Hadis. The latter are hated lustily by the Bhadra-ok. Compare the ratio of Baidya and Kayasth in bad livelihood in 1901 and 1911. For Baidya female, the ratio was 22:1 and 24:1 and Kayasth female 32:1 and 21:1 as against 31:1 and 24:1 for Chamar female (p.120-136). To put it differently, as against one Bauri female in disreputable occupation, 11 Brahman, 17 Kayasth, and 27 Baidya females, in com- parison, had similar occupation in 1901. The Chamar or Mukhi females were morally far sounder than Brahman, and Kayasth counterparts and.at par with Baidya females. With one Dom female having dis- reputable occupation, more than 7 Brahman, 18 Baidya females and 12 Kayasth females lived with im- moral means. (p.128-129). This perhaps blasts the angelical image of the Bhadralok most disarmingly.
GOLAM KAYASTH
The Sudras bear the index of morality of a section of Bengalis. They were entirely different from the Sudras of Manu and other ancient lawgivers. This class of Sudras were entirely Bengali and concentrated in Eastern Bengal. They “de- scended from the maid servants by their masters of good caste; also called Golam or Golam Kayasth” (p.137). Being maid servants, obviously the masters of good castes sexually exploited them like captee chicken in their backyards at will. Since they bear the name of Kayasth, this ipso facto bears testimony as to the violators of their modesty. Furthermore, that Golam Kayasths were allowed to enumerate them- in census re- turns in 1901, 1911, 1921 and 1931 shows who the culprits of sexual abuses were. Incidentally, their in- filtration resulted in unusual in- selves as Kayasths 10] Dalit Voice | crease in the population of the Kayasth of Bengal. in 1891, they numbered 235,000, 186,000 in 1901 and 149,000 in 1911. (p.137- | 140). Kunti did not receive as much accommodation from the authorities or from the society as the Golam Kayasths did in Bengal.
FIRST GENERAL STRIKE
The book deals with the successfull agitation of 30 years from 1880 to 1911 resulting in the change of name of from Chanda’s to Namasudras who were the largest caste of Eastern Bengal. They had organised India’s “first general strike in the district of Faridpur, Jessore and Barisal (now in Bangladesh) in 1873 against their dehumanisation by the upper castes.
PLIGHT OF JOGIS
The Jug is represented during census operations to be returned as Jogi and the Brahman enumerator put his feeling that “he would cut off his hands than write down Jogi as Jogi and his wife the title of Devi like a Brahman woman”. The Brahminical order was responsible for their degradation so much so that “if one of them happens to enter the room of a Hindu of good caste, the cooked food and drinking water must immediately be thrown away”. (p.261-262).
BALLAL SEN’s BASTARD
The myths of origin of luminism of Brahman in Bengal as well as im- port of Brahman from Kannauj is fictitious. Of the five of branches of kulans, namely, Phule, Sarb Anandi, Khadra, Ballari and Pandiatonic, the last one was created by a bastard of Ballal Sen who is credited with the investiture of luminism in Bengal. “A Brahmani concubine of Ballal Sen” says Wilson, “is said to have had a son who was a good pandit®. (p.71) and the Kulin created by this illegitimate son is called Pandiatonic (p.71). The proud declaration of Sir Surendra Nath Banerjee to the effect that “l belong to Kulin Brahman family which, since creation of luminism by Keg Ballal Sen, had maintained their purity with pride and inflexible consistency” (p.72) appears quite ridiculous to the writer.
DISMISSED ICS OFFICIAL
History presents a colourful and romantic perception of the Banghyang Angolan I e. anti- partition agitation and swadeshi movement following partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon in 1905. Though swadeshi means boycott of foreign goods, of all things, the import of foreign liquors increased in value and volume year after year; and this fact has nowhere been brought by highbrow mitolactols to light. The high priest of swadeshi, as Sir Surendra Nath Banerjee is known; was dismissed from ICS due to inefficiency, misconduct, tampering of judicial document and dishonesty which Indian historians are chary to admit and labour hard to gloss over it. They claim that he was dismissed from ICS for his patriotism, nationalism and fierce love for freedom. Facts tell a different tale which has been related in the book. (p.279- 280).
MUSLIMS ARE CHANDALA CONVERTS
The tall claims of a section of Bengalis that they are casteless have been put to ridicule by parading data that in the 1991 election to the West Bengal Bidhan Sabha as many as 55 MLAs were Brahmans, 56 Kayasths, and 5 Baidya. Thus, they accounted for almost 40 per cent of Bidhan Sabha, though they form an insignificant 6% of the State’s population. The proportion of population entitles them mere 17 representatives in the Bidhan Sabha. Looking at the unhealthy minority domination in all walks, she: warns that the tail must stop wagging the dog, as it is unnatural and inauspicious.
This explains why there is so much emphasis on and euphoria about ideology among the (Bhadralok) Bengalis. Under an ideological pre- tension, the dark aspect of deprivation of the numerically superior castes/groups/communities by a minority can be suppressed and attention from this essential aspect has been deflected for pretty long. This clearly appears to be the rea- son why the high caste Hindus favoured partition in 1947.
In pre-partition Bengal, the solidarity among the depressed classes and Muslims who basically were converts from the former, success- fully excluded the minority Bhadralok from the centre of power. They were effectively checkmated. Having partitioned India, however, they succeeded in getting back to its centre stage much to the detriment of the multitude.
The book promises to be highly interesting, though some irrational upper castes may take umbrage at it. People at large will find it very useful. The data and facts are the greatest attraction of the book. The publisher has placed on record in his note that no reputed publishers of Calcutta were ready to publish this work though it was strongly recommended by Mahasweta Deivi, a reputed authoress and activist.
The work explodes many myths of upper caste hypocrisy. Sipra says in the preface that her work is de- signed to present the viewpoint of the deprived and neglected. Ac- cording to me there is no work, either in vernacular or English languages dealing with the anatomy ‘of social life of Bengal comparable with Anwesha. its documentation is exhaustive, and flawless and this is the strongest point. It contains many quotations of British authors, besides official source to drive her points home. As a new authoress this ensure richness and credibility to her statements. The appendices to the book include three representations sub- mitted by the Nama Sudras proceeding the census operations in 1901 and 1911 and two rulings of Calcutta High Court are included. In Bholanath Mitter v The Emperor (1924 Calcutta 616) the High Court of Calcutta held that “marriage between a (Bengali) Kayasth and a Dom is valid” as both are “members of different Sudra castes”.
WIDOW MARRIAGE AMONG DALITS
in another landmark judgment in 138. Appellate Civil on June 29, 1883 (Hurry Charan Dass v Nimai Chand Koyal), the Calcutta High Court held that the “custom” of widow marriage was “valid” among Nama Sudra caste, and such a widow, after remarriage, “was entitled to succeed as heir to her father under the Hindu law”. In many respects, this judgment is very significant. The widow in question, Dopamine was a native of Midnapur which also was the home district of-illustrious Pandit Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, social re- former and leader of Bengal re- naissance. His son was married to a widow in 1871 and this fact is hailed as high point of renaissance of Bengal. Even the reformer Vidyasagar did not note the prevalence of the custom “since time im- memorial” among the Nama Sudras in his own native place, not to speak of giving wholehearted support to it. Dopamine fought her case up to the High Court and got decree. Two lower courts, presided over by Bengali Hindus, Baboo Kedar Nauth Mazumdar, Sub- judge, Midnapur, and Madhub Chunder Checkouts, Mun Siff, Tum look, dismissed her claim to inheritance. Clearly, they could not rise above ordinary Hindu orthodoxy and morbidity.
This only proves in letter and spirit the view held by Dr. Ambedkar that social reform movements led by upper castes were aimed at reforming their own family and not the society ‘at large. The humane spirit of customs prevalent among the “low” castes were neither respected nor were treated as guiding principle in social reform for upper castes. Widow marriage among Nama Sudras is a striking instance.
The indices are rare documents and students of social history will get unique insight into social life of Bengal. The word “renaissance” will sound like a nasty word and its leaders who hogged the limelight in the centre stage of history of Bengal would appear undeserving. Barring some printing errors which are due to inexperience of the publishers, Anwesha is a bold presentation of the realities of social life of Bengal.
