The Heuristic That Ate Itself: On the Guardian Open Letter, Campism and the Left’s Historical Amnesia

An open letter published in The Guardian on 20 August, addressed to Iranian political prisoners, was signed by scholars, intellectuals and activists whose work has long been respected across the left and progressive movements. It named the torture and executions carried out by the Islamic Republic, named the airstrikes carried out by the United States and Israel, and used an image the letter said came from the prisoners themselves: caught between two blades of a scissors, cut from both directions at once. The letter closed with two demands. Stop the executions. End the war.

The response to the letter is more interesting than the letter itself. A cluster of criticisms converge on a single move, stated with varying degrees of bluntness but always amounting to the same claim: solidarity of this kind is a category error. If you live in the West, your only legitimate object of criticism is your own government. Not Iran. Not the state doing the executing. Your voice belongs to your own empire and nowhere else, and to spend it elsewhere is not just misdirected but complicit, a way of dressing up imperial propaganda as conscience.

Noam Chomsky, one of the most popular public intellectuals and critics of the US, did more than anyone to give this argument its intellectual respectability. He is not, by temperament or by many of the other commitments he holds, a natural ally of the people invoking this argument today, and yet he is a strong defender of its underlying principle. Chomsky’s argument begins as a consequentialist one: your ethical responsibility tracks the predictable consequences of your actions, and since a citizen can usually exert more influence over their own government than over a foreign one, that is where their political effort should primarily go. He illustrated the principle through Soviet dissidents such as Andrei Sakharov, whose criticism remained focused on abuses by the Soviet state rather than extending to every atrocity in the world. Chomsky himself acknowledged that he sometimes criticised official enemies and had even assisted dissidents from the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The argument, then, was not simply that people have no right to criticise foreign states, but that their political energy should be directed toward the violence they can actually affect. He pushed the principle further, however, and this is where it becomes more consequential: criticism of an enemy state could itself become morally irresponsible if its predictable effect was to help one’s own government justify further violence. Accurate criticism of Cuba, for example, might be true while still contributing to the suffering caused by the US embargo; his hypothetical Soviet dissident who truthfully documented atrocities by Afghan resistance forces might similarly help the Kremlin justify its war. At that point, the argument stops being merely about where to concentrate one’s efforts and becomes a principle about what should sometimes be left unsaid: a true thing can become the wrong thing to say if the wrong people are likely to benefit from hearing it.

The pitfall of this principle was not merely theoretical. It showed up in Chomsky’s own record, twice, in ways that closely track the logic of the principle itself. Writing on Cambodia in the late 1970s, Chomsky and Edward Herman urged skepticism toward refugee accounts of Khmer Rouge killings, on the grounds that the reporting was disproportionate to the attention given to comparable US-aligned violence; the Khmer Rouge went on to kill an estimated 1.5 to 2 million people. Two decades later, he took a similarly sceptical position toward accounts of atrocities committed against Bosniaks during the Bosnian war, including the Srebrenica genocide, in which more than 8,000 Bosniak men and boys were killed. He (along with our very own South Asian Arundhati Roy and Tariq Ali among others) defended Diana Johnstone’s revisionist account of the war and supported claims that Western journalists had fabricated or seriously misrepresented their reporting on Serb-run detention camps, claims that had already been rejected in court. Both cases show the same problem: a consequentialist principle about the effects of political speech ended up making the political usefulness of true accounts of someone else’s atrocities a reason to treat those accounts with suspicion.

It’s worth taking this history seriously, because it’s less a coincidence than a demonstration. The same logic keeps slipping, almost imperceptibly, from one claim into the next.

The first step is real. Having more leverage over your own government than someone else’s is real. You vote in it, fund it, can plausibly move it through pressure that actually reaches somewhere. That’s just a fact about where political effort tends to have leverage, given the accident of birth. But somewhere along the way it turned into something else: having more pull over your own state became a reason to treat criticism of anyone else’s as out of bounds entirely. Having more influence over one thing doesn’t mean you lose standing to speak about another, and yet that’s the leap the argument keeps making without ever justifying it.

The second step compounds the first. Spending less effort on a foreign government’s abuses because your own effort is better spent at home starts as a practical decision about your time. Left alone long enough it curdles into a belief about how much scrutiny that government actually deserves, independent of who’s doing the scrutinizing or from where. A fact about your own limited attention gets quietly repackaged as a fact about the state being judged, and the state ends up getting let off the hook by an argument that was never really about the state at all.

And finally, the rule keeps growing past its own foundation. Something that might genuinely make sense as one person’s approach to spending their own limited energy gets stretched until it’s presented as a rule for an entire movement to follow, not just for US citizens but for the whole world. A movement isn’t one person with one passport and one government they’re answerable to. It’s full of people across the world including India, Russia, South Africa, Palestine, and Iran itself. What started as a reasonable habit for managing your own attention ends up functioning as an argument for other people’s silence.

The three-step slide is simple: leverage-based emphasis becomes leverage-based exclusivity; exclusivity of effort becomes exclusivity of moral attention; and individual leverage becomes movement-wide priority.

The truth is that the rule does not actually depend on the letter’s signatories being Western or American. If the same position came from Iranians themselves, or from people elsewhere in the Global South, the objection would not disappear. It would change its vocabulary: comprador, foreign agent, native informant, terrorist sympathizer. The charge would still be that they had crossed some line of political loyalty by naming repression committed by a state positioned against Western power. The label changes, but the function does not. What is being policed is therefore less where someone comes from than whether they remain within the political narrative assigned to them. Once they step outside it, they can be rhetorically moved into the enemy’s camp, regardless of their politics, their country, or the people whose interests they are actually speaking about. The reaction to non-Western people endorsing the letter makes this especially clear, as does the effort to discredit the prisoners themselves by scrutinising who they are and the charges under which they are imprisoned. Nor does the logic depend on the conflict being in a particular phase. If the same repression were discussed before a war, after a ceasefire, or when there was no immediate military confrontation, the objection could simply be attached to the next arena of imperialist struggle. If geopolitical struggle is treated as permanent, there will always be a larger enemy available to make scrutiny of its adversary seem untimely, divisive or useful to the other side. The question then becomes less whether a claim about repression is true than whether saying it is acceptable within the prevailing geopolitical alignment.

What emerges is a corrupted heuristic dressed up as a principle. Underneath every step of it sits the same problem: the rule swaps out the actual reason to criticise a government, that it is causing harm, for considerations that are irrelevant to the harm itself: whether it happens to be yours and how close you are to it. Political proximity can affect where your effort is likely to have an effect, but it does not determine which suffering deserves scrutiny or solidarity. Political proximity can affect where your effort is likely to have an effect, but it does not determine which suffering deserves scrutiny or solidarity. Once those things are treated as the same, the rule can exempt any government whose repression falls on a population fighting an external enemy, regardless of what that repression looks like or how far it goes. The same logic appears on the other side too: American and Zionist apologetics invoke the threat posed by an enemy to justify violence carried out by the United States or Israel in the name of fighting that enemy. The camps differ, but the reasoning is familiar: the enemy’s conduct becomes the measure by which the violence of your own side is judged. The enemy’s existence becomes an alibi, and because geopolitical struggle is treated as permanent, that alibi can be renewed indefinitely. The timing changes, the conflict changes, the enemy changes, but the logic survives. None of this is new, and it has a name.

The term is campism. It describes a politics in which geopolitical alignment becomes a basis for moral judgment, so that the position a state occupies in a wider struggle matters the most. A state can receive political sympathy, or escape scrutiny, because it is understood to be resisting a more powerful enemy. The term comes from the Cold War, when the world was commonly understood through opposing political and military blocs, but the habit survived the end of those blocs. It reappears whenever opposition to a dominant power, usually the United States and its allies, becomes the organising framework for political judgment. The conduct of that power’s adversaries is then assessed in relation to the enemy they are confronting rather than on its own terms. The political problem becomes what to do when those adversaries commit their own atrocities, and the account campism tends to reach for is: look elsewhere, or don’t look at all.

Its cousin, tankieism, a specifically Leninist variant of campism, has an even more literal origin. British and other communists who defended the Soviet Union’s decision to send tanks into Hungary in 1956, and again into Czechoslovakia in 1968, to crush uprisings against Soviet-aligned governments, came to be known as “tankies” for that very position: support for the tanks because they belonged to the right side, the red side. The word outlived the regimes it was coined to describe. China, which continues to identify itself as socialist and is governed by a Communist Party, produced its own enduring image of the tension the term evokes when the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown became associated with the photograph of a lone protester standing in front of a column of tanks. Today, “tankie” is applied more broadly to people who reproduce the same political reflex around other states. Support for repression, conditional only on which flag is doing the repressing.

Both words matter because naming a pattern lets you recognise it when it appears again, without having to relitigate the same argument from scratch. Each time this argument resurfaces around a new state and a new atrocity, whether in Syria, Venezuela, Ukraine, Hong Kong or Iran, many earnest people treat it as a fresh, good-faith concern about Western hypocrisy, as though the argument has no history and has to be answered again on its own terms.

But the cacophony of campism isn’t fresh. It has a track record, a genealogy, and a mechanism, and that mechanism has appeared in more than one form.

Sometimes it is the anti-imperialism of fools: a real opposition to Western domination gets funnelled into political indulgence toward any state positioned against it, until the enemy of your enemy acquires an immunity from scrutiny of its own. The history of the Iran-Iraq War offers a particularly clear example. Some sections of the Western left initially rejected both states as rival regional powers, then shifted toward support for Iran as the United States increasingly backed Iraq. The position changed with the geopolitical alignment; what remained was the need to oppose whichever side Washington was supporting.

Sometimes the distortion runs in the opposite direction: the world is still read through geopolitical camps, but the preferred camp changes. The Sino-Soviet split showed how quickly an anti-imperialist politics could reorganise itself around a new principal enemy. As relations between China and the Soviet Union deteriorated, sections of the Maoist left came to see the Soviet Union as the greater threat and adjusted their politics accordingly, in some cases arriving at positions that converged with American strategic interests. The geopolitical alignment had changed, but the underlying habit remained: the conduct of states was judged through the position they occupied in the wider struggle between powers.

And sometimes what remains is hollow anti-imperialism: a politics that continues to speak the language of liberation while treating the actual conduct of states as secondary to the bloc they are imagined to belong to. Iran, which presents itself as a central opponent of Western and Israeli power, has supplied Myanmar’s military junta with jet fuel used in its air campaign. States routinely cross the ideological boundaries that political movements draw around them, buying, selling, supplying, funding and arming wherever strategic interests require it. The problem begins when anti-imperialism stops being a politics against domination and becomes a system for deciding whose domination counts. This is also what the Guardian letter hints at by invoking similar techniques and logics of domination even when the states exercising them occupy radically different positions in the international order.

In the more sober accounts that end up duping non-sectarian leftists and progressives, the corruption lies in the principle itself, whose three-step slide remains underneath it all: emphasis into exclusivity, effort into attention, individual scope into collective doctrine. The historical amnesia is part of the mechanism. Each new geopolitical crisis is treated as though the same argument has arrived without a history, detached from the cases in which it has already produced its predictable evasions and distortions. What looks, on any given occasion, like a principled objection to Western moral overreach is often the latest version of a much older habit of allowing geopolitical position to determine who gets to be seen as a perpetrator and who gets to remain the object of solidarity.

None of this requires deciding the Guardian letter was a strong piece of writing. It is a short open letter to prisoners, not a political history of the war or an accounting of the relative power, culpability and geopolitical position of the states involved. Of course it does not contain the kind of distinctions or elaboration that a longer political argument would require. That makes it basic. It does not make the underlying point false. The scissors image is not false equivalence simply because it places two sources of violence in the same frame. A person can be subjected to repression by their own government and violence by a foreign power at the same time, and recognising that simultaneity does not require pretending that the two states are identical, that their histories are interchangeable, or that their forms of power are equal. The person caught between the blades does not experience one violence as an argument against recognising the other. Both are happening. That is the point of the image, and it is a perfectly intelligible point even if the image is too simple to carry the full political analysis surrounding it.

There’s a separate matter sitting alongside all this. Campists and tankies leaning on academics and intellectual signatories until some walked their names back, letters going out in different versions before anyone signed, the actual source of the prisoners’ quote never being pinned down: these are real issues and worth scrutinising, but they are essentially irrelevant to the broader politics of internationalism and anti-imperialism. Treating them as though they settle anything about the letter’s content is itself a move worth watching for. Even in a perfected history of how the letter came to be written, free of every one of these problems, this barrage of responses would not disappear. Saying that a letter has no standing to name a second source of harm at all is not the same as pointing out that it left something, many things, or even everything unweighed. The two criticisms can sound alike because both can be phrased as objections to what the letter did or did not say. But the first is a much larger claim wearing the smaller one’s face.

This does not settle what solidarity should actually attach to, but that question is often orthogonal to the political and ethical concerns of this mutated and cursed discourse. Governments invoke the language of liberation selectively, and alliances shift with whatever circumstance makes them convenient, not because leaders on any side are unusually dishonest, but because states are not built to carry emancipatory politics in the first place. They were built through war-making and control, and that orientation doesn’t disappear because a state happens to be on the weaker or more sympathetic side of a given conflict. Sovereignty, in this light, is not a moral trump card. It structures international law, but its violation or preservation doesn’t by itself settle whether a conflict is just, and a formally lawful war can still produce devastation while an unlawful act can still arise from real and grinding injustice. None of that licenses indifference. It means solidarity has to be aimed at the people bearing the cost of a conflict rather than at whichever government currently claims to speak for them, because a government’s claim to represent the suffering of its people is not the same thing as actually relieving it, and conflating the two is how solidarity with prisoners turns into solidarity with whoever is holding the keys.

If expressing solidarity with Iranian political prisoners alongside opposition to American and Israeli aggression is supposed to somehow launder that aggression, then the charge has already abandoned the letter it claims to be criticising. The letter names American and Israeli violence alongside the violence of the Iranian state. The argument against it therefore rests on a simple but contestable leap: that acknowledging one source of violence somehow lends legitimacy to another. At that point, the problem is no longer the letter but a politics so thoroughly organised around reaction that it has ceased to have independent values. Its political judgment is instead organised around what a statement might signal, who might appropriate it, which enemy might benefit from it, and how it might be made to look once stripped of context. What presents itself as vigilance against imperial propaganda becomes political PR thinking with better branding: a reactive politics that has mistaken anticipating the enemy’s narrative for having a politics of its own.

 

Paresh Hate is a Bahujan queer researcher, writer, documenter and activist and the Lead Content Manager at Dalit Voice.

 

Editorial note: This essay does not represent every position historically associated with Dalit Voice or its founding editor, V. T. Rajshekar. His international politics was rooted in solidarity with oppressed peoples, but at times treated geopolitical alignment as central to political judgment, an approach critically examined in this essay. The present editorial direction takes a different view. We retain deep respect for Rajshekar’s contribution to anti-caste thought and journalism while recognising that intellectual inheritance does not require agreement on every political question.

Bahujan Unity

Archival Note

Published in Dalit Voice (Vol. 22, Issue No. 20, 16 October 2003), this essay by V. T. Rajshekar intervenes in debates over the social and political composition of the anti-caste movement at a time when questions of Bahujan unity and electoral realignments were reshaping Indian politics.

Rajshekar argues that the Brahminical Social Order, rather than the Backward Classes (BCs), is the principal adversary of Dalits. He contends that excluding BCs from the Ambedkarite movement weakens the struggle against Brahminism and calls for a renewed Bahujan alliance grounded in the shared emancipatory vision of Phule, Shahu, Periyar, and Ambedkar.

More than two decades later, the essay remains relevant as anti-caste politics continues to grapple with questions of coalition-building, social solidarity, and the relationship between caste oppression and political strategy.

 

Dalit movement will suffer if BCs are excluded

 

The one-line answer to the question, “Who is the enemy of Dalits?” is the Brahmins, not BCs, who are the natural allies of Dalits.

Both the Dalits and BCs are the victims of the Brahminical Social Order. The historical truth also must be considered that the BCs and Dalits are from the same stock. Of course, we cannot ignore the involvement of forward BCs in the atrocities against Dalits. Persons enacting the rule seem to be cruel because they are in direct touch, but the actual cruelty lies in the rule and the frames of the rule. The same thing is with BCs and the BSO.

So, I suggest establishing a positive relationship between Dalits and BCs because the root cause of the problem is not the BCs but the Brahminical system.

Dalits alone can save BCs: We have to remove the false Kshatriyatva from the minds of BCs. Of course, Dalits cannot say that it is not their duty. It is their duty because they are the pillars of the Ambedkarite movement. The Dalits, as leaders of the Indian revolution, must lead the BCs also.

Our duty is to generate attachment of BCs with the ideology of Phule-Shahu-Ambedkar. The first step for this is the detachment of BCs from the Brahminical fold. Of course, BCs cannot detach themselves. It is the Dalits who have to do this job.

Restricting the movement to Dalits will not only not help our movement, but it will take the movement backward. On the contrary, we will help the BSO only. Our movement is to abolish the BSO. One of the purposes of our struggle is this. Our target should not be any individual but the culture which creates individuals like Mulayam, Kalyan, Katiyar, and even Paswan. If you want to abolish the BSO, a major part of this system should get out from the BSO, and that major part is the BCs. By avoiding the relationship between Dalits and BCs, we cannot run the Ambedkarite movement. On the contrary, we put a question mark on Phule-Shahu-Periyar-Ambedkar’s mission.

Mulayam is a Hindu: It is a misconception that BCs cannot accept Dalit leadership. Jagjivan Ram did not accept the leadership of Dr. Ambedkar. That does not mean that Dalits did not accept the leadership of Babasaheb. Today, the movement is identified with the name of Babasaheb, not Babuji. So, you cannot generalize the relationship between Dalits and BCs by citing the example of Mulayam and Kalyan (both BCs), but we must understand that they are not accepted by all the BCs. Mulayam, Kalyan, and Paswan are driven by the Brahminical force. Mulayam and Kalyan do not accept the leadership of Kanshi Ram not because of their BC origin but because of their “Hindu mentality.”

Thakur-Brahmin alliance: A leader having the Indian Constitution in one hand and the Manusmruti in another must not be tolerated, even if he is a Dalit.

When Thakurs and Brahmins can join hands to save their BSO, why not Dalits join with BCs? Look how BC MLAs in the BSP have shown their loyalty to the BSP. None of the BC MLAs other than 3 Yadavs left the party (still there are 2 Yadav MLAs with the BSP). While 1 Nishad (ST) and 1 Khatik (SC) have left the BSP, BC MLAs like Rajbhar and Maurya are still with the BSP. Who says that BCs cannot accept Dalit leadership? In UP, Swamiprasad Maurya, BSP legislature party leader, and Sukhdev Rajbhar (chief whip of the BSP) are BCs. In UP, 90% of the Rajbhars vote for the BSP. Similarly, the Maurya and Nonia (BC) castes also cast over 70% of their votes for the BSP.

We cannot put a line between Dalits and BCs because such a division will be a division of ourselves only. Koli is a caste whose subcastes are in different categories: SC, ST, BC, and outside these categories, i.e., general. Where will such castes stand? A caste like Bhar is BC in UP, SC in MP, and ST in Maharashtra.

Psychological violence: We must understand the fact that the BCs are not oppressors. Rather, they are an instrument in the hands of the oppressive forces, the BSO. We must understand that psychological violence is more injurious than physical violence. We should learn something from dogs. If somebody throws a stone at a dog, it does not run after the stone but after the hand that throws the stone. BCs are like stones that are being thrown by the BSO mind. If we do not make them (BCs) part of our struggle, they will go more and more into the BSO camp. We must develop the culture of Bahujan Samaj instead of Dalit Samaj. We should learn a lesson from the collapse of the RPI. Without the BCs, Dalits cannot capture power in the true sense. The true sense means to capture power, retain it, and use it to preserve and propagate the ideology set by our forefathers.

Two Serious Mistakes That Killed the Dalit Movement

Archival Note

Delivered at a BAMCEF state convention in Gulbarga (now Kalaburagi) in November 2009, this speech reflects V.T. Rajshekhar’s thinking at a particular moment in the history of the anti-caste movement. While some of its references and political judgments are rooted in that context, its central argument continues to provoke debate: what enables oppressed communities to build lasting power?

The version reproduced below has been abridged for contemporary readers. The overall argument and structure have been retained, while passages closely tied to the political context of 2009, repeated arguments, and material of primarily historical interest have been omitted. The focus remains on the speech’s two central themes: the responsibility of educated Bahujans to strengthen collective institutions, and the argument that electoral success alone cannot sustain social transformation without intellectual, organisational, and cultural power.

The complete, unabridged speech is available in the Dalit Voice archives: https://dalitvoice.net/two-serious-mistakes-that-killed-dalit-movement/

 

Two Serious Mistakes That Killed the Dalit Movement

Abridged from a speech delivered at the BAMCEF Karnataka State Convention, Gulbarga, November 22, 2009

Brother Waman Meshram and brothers and sisters of the Bahujan Samaj,

Thank you for inviting me to inaugurate the first Karnataka state convention of BAMCEF at Gulbarga.

We have watched the steady growth of BAMCEF under the leadership of Brother Waman Meshram. Organising educated employees is never easy, yet BAMCEF has emerged as one of the country’s most significant Bahujan organisations. It is fitting that this convention is being held in Gulbarga, a region associated with the legacy of Shyam Sundar, whose work left a lasting mark on anti-caste politics.

Today I wish to speak about two questions that I believe have deeply affected the Bahujan movement.

The first concerns the educated Dalits who have benefited from constitutional safeguards and reservations.

The second concerns the widespread belief that political power alone can transform society.

The First Mistake

Reservations opened opportunities that were denied to our people for generations. But education and employment were never meant to be ends in themselves. Babasaheb Ambedkar saw them as instruments for the emancipation of the entire community.

Over the years, however, I have watched with concern as many educated Dalits achieved personal success but drifted away from the larger movement. Babasaheb himself warned that educated Dalits should not forget the people from whom they came.

Our communities need educated people who build institutions, mentor younger generations, strengthen organisations, write, teach, and remain accountable to society. Without that commitment, education risks becoming only a means of individual advancement.

This is why BAMCEF matters. Organising educated Bahujans into a socially conscious force is difficult, but it is indispensable if education is to become a source of collective strength rather than individual mobility.

The Second Mistake

Much has been said about political power being the key to social progress. Electoral representation is important, but we must ask whether elections alone are sufficient to transform deeply unequal social structures.

Political office without organised social strength is fragile. Governments come and go. Lasting change requires a society that is organised, politically conscious, and capable of sustaining its own institutions.

Those who dominate society do not rely only on elections. They exercise influence through education, the media, the bureaucracy, finance, and other institutions. If we neglect these spheres while concentrating only on electoral politics, our victories will remain temporary.

Political power is not given but taken. To secure it requires strength—not merely physical strength, but intellectual strength.

This is why independent Bahujan media is not a luxury but a necessity. A movement that depends entirely on others to tell its story cannot shape its own future.

What is needed first is intellectual strength. We must produce honest intellectuals, strengthen our organisations, build institutions, and develop leadership that remains rooted in the community.

Political power becomes meaningful only when it rests upon an organised and self-confident society.

That is the challenge before us.

Thank you.

Jai Bhim!

Annihilation of Caste

This piece, adapted from Chapter 2, “Annihilation of Caste,” in Caste – A Nation Within the Nation, has been abridged, edited, and selectively rephrased to highlight the conjoined conceptual rigor and moral conviction that animate V. T. Rajshekar’s writing. The purpose of this version is to reveal the enduring force of his argument and its continued relevance to the present moment of caste politics and thought. In this essay, Rajshekar dissects caste as the central ideological and structural principle of Indian society—an all-encompassing system that determines not only social hierarchy but also access to political power, knowledge, and morality. He argues that caste cannot be dismantled through moral persuasion or partial reform because it is the very grammar of Hindu social order. Drawing from Ambedkar yet extending beyond him, Rajshekar exposes how religion, law, and politics work in concert to preserve Brahminical dominance. For him, annihilation means confrontation: a total break with the social, spiritual, and epistemic order that legitimizes caste. The essay stands as both critique and declaration, demanding not reconciliation but the assertion of Dalit consciousness as the ground for any true democratic transformation.

However, Rajshekar’s forceful framing also opens up crucial points of tension worth registering. His deployment of the language of “nation” and “national minorities” for Bahujans—though strategically potent—risks reproducing the very nationalist grammar that has historically absorbed, redirected, or neutralized anti-caste energies. The presumption that “nationhood” is a stable or emancipatory horizon for Bahujans overlooks how nationalism in the subcontinent has routinely demanded caste-erasure at the symbolic level while sustaining caste power in practice. A critique aligned with Ambedkar’s own caution would remind us that the nation is not automatically a vehicle of justice; rather, it has often operated as the ideological shield for Brahminical majoritarianism. Any appeal to national belonging must therefore be critically examined so that it does not reinscribe the homogenizing impulses it seeks to break.

Similarly, the text suggests a sharp opposition between caste-bound villages and propaganda-driven cities, as though the former naturally preserve anti-Hindutva potential and the latter incubate Brahminical hegemony. This distinction, already unstable in Rajshekar’s time, is even less tenable today. Rural India has never been uniformly resistant to Hindutva, nor have urban centres been coherent sites of caste blindness. The circulation of media, the penetration of welfare networks, the transformation of local political economies, and the recomposition of rural–urban migration have all produced a far more entangled terrain. Village social order does not automatically protect Bahujan interests; it can reproduce the violence of caste more directly, even as it occasionally generates solidarities unavailable in urban anonymity. Any contemporary evaluation must abandon this binary and analyze how caste power now moves fluidly across both spaces.

Finally, Rajshekar’s argument that Hindutva remains a primarily Brahminical project does not fully anticipate the demographic restructuring of the Hindu Right. Today, its organizational strength and electoral reach depend heavily on OBC and non-Brahmin participation—not only as foot soldiers but as ideological and political actors within the movement. This does not invalidate Rajshekar’s critique of Brahminical dominance; rather, it complicates the picture by showing how caste power adapts, absorbs, and redeploys the aspirations of groups historically positioned outside the Brahminical core. Any contemporary reading must therefore account for how Hindutva now functions through a broadened social base, and why anti-caste politics must confront this expanded constituency rather than an imagined Brahmin minority alone.Taken together, these tensions do not diminish the power of Rajshekar’s intervention; they sharpen it by situating his insights within a transformed political landscape. The stakes of annihilation today demand both the fidelity to Ambedkarite confrontation and a critical rethinking of the categories—nation, village, caste bloc, majority/minority—through which the struggle has been historically articulated.

 

V. T. Rajshekar

 

Hindu Angle of ‘Caste Annihilation’

It is the Hindus who stand to gain most from the caste system, for caste is another name for Hinduism. If caste is destroyed, Hinduism collapses. Gandhi knew this and opposed any fight against caste, for his defense of “Varna Dharma” safeguarded Hindu order. No Hindu is prepared to give up caste; caste is the source of their power.

Why then have Hindus suddenly begun talking of “caste annihilation”? Are they ready to sacrifice their privileges? Some honest vaidiks, like the Puri Shankaracharya, openly declare that Bahujans are not Hindus and hence outcastes; we have no quarrel with such honesty. Our problem is with the deceitful “socialist” Brahmins who cloak themselves as Gandhians, Marxists, or nationalists while preserving caste.

Their “caste annihilation” means the abolition of caste-based reservations, not the destruction of caste itself. They want to preserve their superiority while preaching equality — taking Dalits into temples but never allowing them priesthood, welcoming them into Brahmin-owned hotels but never letting them own one. Their idea is to change form without changing content, to keep the power hierarchy intact. They advise the scavenger to take pride in cleaning toilets instead of demanding liberation. This Gandhian hypocrisy, perfected by institutions like Sulabh International, is what they call “caste annihilation.”

Bahujan Angle of ‘Caste Annihilation’
For Bahujans, annihilating caste means destroying the power structure itself. Ambedkarites understand caste as an ascending scale of reverence and a descending scale of contempt. Gandhi’s temple-entry and inter-dining gimmicks never touched this structure. As Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar showed, the root of untouchability is the caste system; the root of caste is religion; and the root of that religion is Brahminical authority sustained by power.

Ambedkar sought to transform the very body of caste, not its surface symptoms. He knew that deprivation and humiliation were political, not moral, conditions. Unless the powerless are empowered, the powerful will never treat them as equals. The Ambedkarite view holds that social equality follows political and economic power. Reservation, therefore, is not charity but an assertion of human rights — a corrective to centuries of exclusion. When rights are restored, the oppressed gain power; when power shifts, equality begins.

Hindus wish only to soften the feelings emanating from caste while leaving the structure untouched. Bahujans aim to destroy its foundation. Hindus cure the symptoms of the disease; Bahujans aim to cure the disease itself.

Hindu Opposition to the Bahujan Angle
Hindus object that caste-based empowerment will strengthen caste, harm national integration, and endanger Hindu unity. Their real fear is that an empowered Bahujan consciousness will destroy the Hindu social order. When they call for caste annihilation, they mean the abolition of resentment among the oppressed — not the privileges of the oppressor. They fear that Dalit assertion will polarize society and lead to a “caste war,” which indeed would end the caste system and minority Hindu rule.

The Brahmins, masters of contradiction, understand Ambedkarism better than most Bahujans. They exploit caste divisions to protect Hindu supremacy. Many Bahujans, seduced by Brahminical media and “secular” rhetoric, fail to see that what the Hindus hate, they should love — and what Hindus love, they should question.

Ambedkarite interpretation of caste annihilation strengthens castes

The Hindu claim that caste-based reservations strengthen caste is only half true. It is true that caste must first consolidate before it can be dismantled. Caste-based representation requires the collective strength of each deprived group; it is a necessary stage in annihilating hierarchy. The Constitution itself recognizes caste as the basis for remedy, granting reservations to Scheduled Castes and Backward Classes. This recognition has empowered Dalits politically and psychologically, enabling them to become a force in national life.

Those who oppose caste identity while benefiting from reservation are deluded. Without caste identification, there would be no eligibility for justice. The so-called “creamy layer” debate further exposes the Hindu anxiety: upper castes resent any rise in Dalit or OBC power. Reservation has created a new confidence — a ladder the privileged now want to kick away.

Ambedkar sought to employ caste-based reservation to consolidate the oppressed as a political community capable of challenging Brahminical domination. Every assertion of caste identity among the marginalized weakens the monopoly of the Hindu minority. Gujarat’s caste wars of the 1980s proved this; Dalit anger, when misdirected against Muslims, only helped consolidate Hindu rule. The lesson remains clear — caste consciousness, not religious nationalism, is the path to equality.

Struggle and Identity
Every struggle for power begins with the assertion of a distinct identity. The oppressor always denies the separate existence of the oppressed to sustain domination. As Dr. Y. N. Kly observed in International Law and the Dalits in India, the Dalits form a distinct people, historically denounced as “outcastes” outside Hinduism. Their forced inclusion as “Scheduled Castes within Hinduism” after independence was a political act — to consolidate India under Hindu dominance. Recognition of Dalits as a separate national minority was deliberately erased from the Constitution.

The 1950 Presidential Order, by denying minority status to Dalits, imposed a Hindu identity on them. Such an identity is an aggression on self-respect. True emancipation requires its rejection. As Ambedkar argued through the Mahad and Nasik agitations, liberation demands independent representation and political power — not inclusion under Hindu paternalism.

Other oppressed peoples, from Eelam Tamils to Chechens, have shown that asserting distinct identity is the first step toward self-determination. Similarly, when SCs, STs, and OBCs demand caste-wise representation, they signal that they are not Hindus but distinct nations within India’s social geography. Their demand for power-sharing amounts to a declaration of self-rule — not secession, but autonomy in shaping their destiny.

This is why the Hindu minority fears caste consolidation. Bahujan identity is their greatest threat. Every move — from Gandhism to Marxism to Hindutva — has sought to dissolve that identity in a false national unity. But each has failed in the face of resurgent caste consciousness.

Failure of ‘Hindu Unity’
The Aryan bid for “Hindu unity” has repeatedly collapsed against India’s resilient village social order, which, though oppressive, remains immune to urban Brahminical propaganda. The BJP’s Hindutva thrives in cities where media and money rule, but it cannot easily penetrate caste-based village structures. Villages preserve both the oppression and the consciousness of caste — a double-edged reality.

When Hindu leaders attempt to dissolve caste distinctions under the banner of unity, they face resistance from the very structure they exploit. Their project depends on manufacturing an external enemy — historically the Muslim — to divert the anger of Dalits and Bahujans. In Gujarat, Dalit participation in anti-Muslim violence marked the tragic success of this manipulation, where caste pride was replaced by Hindu pride.

Yet the same Gujarat also showed that when Dalits fought upper castes, it exposed the core contradiction of Hinduism. Caste identity remains the best defense against Hindutva, the surest means to frustrate Brahminical rule through a silent, bloodless revolution. The villages of India, however unequal, remain fortresses of this social truth — that Hindutva cannot erase caste, and caste, once politicized, can dismantle Hindutva.

Our confusion lies not in the villages but in the cities. Urban Dalits and OBCs, intoxicated by Brahminical media, fail to distinguish between Ambedkar’s programme of caste annihilation and the Hindu deceit of the same name. True annihilation begins with self-respect and ends with equality of power — not with assimilation under Hinduism.

Conclusion

Caste annihilation cannot mean the erasure of caste identity while caste power endures. It must mean the destruction of the hierarchy that sustains it. The Bahujan path, grounded in Ambedkar’s vision, demands empowerment before erasure, equality before unity, and power before reconciliation.

The struggle for identity, dignity, and representation is not contrary to annihilation; it is its necessary condition. Only when the oppressed define themselves can they redefine the nation. Until then, every slogan of “Hindu unity” or “caste annihilation” from above is another mask of domination.

The road to freedom lies in consolidating Bahujan identity, transforming caste into a weapon of liberation, and reclaiming power from those who have ruled in its name. Caste, once the chain, becomes the site of struggle — and in that struggle lies the true beginning of its annihilation.

In Defense of Polemics

This essay, “In Defense of Polemics” by V.T. Rajshekar, first published in Dalit Voice Vol. 25, Issue No. 10, (May 16–31, 2006), has been thoughtfully reworked, abridged, and paraphrased to speak to the present moment while preserving its original force and vision. The revision retains the text’s historical polemical idioms but removes contingent references and particularized citations to foreground its enduring relevance. It reasserts the conviction that polemics is not a stylistic excess but a principled mode of truth-telling—an ethical and political necessity in confronting the hierarchies that distort public life and silence dissent. In this reframed version, Rajshekar’s defense of argumentative writing becomes a wider meditation on the responsibilities of critical journalism and the politics of speech in unequal societies. It upholds Dalit Voice’s long-standing orientation toward fearless critique, its insistence on clarity over comfort, and its commitment to unsettling dominant truths. By revisiting this essay today, the aim is to reaffirm the centrality of dissenting thought and the continuing need for writing that is rigorous, disruptive, and accountable to those whose voices are systemically denied space in the public sphere.

 

V. T. Rajshekar

 

We are often accused of resorting to polemical writing. Some upper-caste critics say we take pleasure in controversies and rarely offer “constructive suggestions.” They call us abusive, hateful, and unworthy of serious journalism. To them we must respond.

A journal of the persecuted cannot exist without polemics. Its very birth is an act of resistance against forces that suppress truth and historical progress. Polemic is not abuse—it is the language of those who have been denied space, ownership, and voice. Without it, new ideas cannot take root.

Brahminical Media Control

Our critics ask if we cannot be “constructive” without being “excessive.” Can truth be told softly in a world where the means of speech itself are owned by our oppressors? India lives in a time of deep ideological struggle between castes and communities, yet the instruments of opinion—the mass media—are monopolized by the upper castes and big business.

This media does not merely conceal truth; it manufactures falsehood. It defends power, consolidates hierarchy, and disciplines dissent. A homegrown authoritarianism thrives here, disguised as democracy. In this landscape, polemic becomes not only legitimate but necessary—it cuts through the noise, draws attention to vital realities, and refuses the civility that sustains injustice.

Those Who Don’t Hate Can’t Love

Our critics accuse us of hatred, of inheriting the anger of Ambedkar, Periyar, and Lohia. They mistake passion for hatred, and confrontation for bitterness. But as Stokely Carmichael once said, to love deeply is to know the opposite of love. A people who have never known hatred cannot understand love, because love itself is born of struggle—of knowing what must be resisted in order to protect what must be cherished.

We are taught that it is noble not to hate. Yet those who hate us—those who burn our homes, violate our dignity, and destroy our futures—lecture us on peace and forgiveness. They want the oppressed to remain polite while being crushed. To reject this false morality is not to hate others, but to love our people more fiercely. If you are incapable of anger, you are incapable of love.

False Philosophy

This false philosophy of non-resistance preaches calmness to the condemned. It demands that we stay quiet while violence is done to us. Imagine watching someone set fire to your home and being told not to hate them. Imagine witnessing your sister’s assault and being told to be “above emotion.” Such moral advice serves only the comfort of the powerful.

We do not hate because hatred is noble—we resist because love compels us to. The refusal to accept humiliation, to expose hypocrisy, to fight lies—these acts come from a place of care and courage, not malice.

Nasty “National” Press

India’s corporate, upper-caste–owned “national press” is the most powerful weapon of domination today. It consolidates privilege, protects capital, and criminalizes the struggles of Dalits, Bahujans, Muslims, and women. It preaches ethics but practices servitude. Its only moral compass is profit.

Publishing in such a society requires enormous capital and caste privilege. Those who own the printing presses and those who write the editorials belong to the same social world. Together, they form a fortress of interests closed to the oppressed. Their media will never side with the poor—it exists to manage them.

Role of the Times of India

The media monopoly is sustained by the financial power of advertisers and corporate owners. The result is a journalism shaped entirely by money. The Times of India, for example, has become an ideological mouthpiece for the privileged. It consistently takes anti-Dalit and anti-minority positions while masquerading as “national.” It has long abandoned the idea of representing the public; it represents the market. What it sells as news is often gossip, prejudice, or intimidation.

Days of Dwarfs

The era of towering editors who understood the social weight of journalism is over. Dwarfs now rule the newsroom—men and women who bend before power and boast of their servility as pragmatism. They avoid pain, skirt real issues, and substitute trivia for analysis. Their papers are full of noise and hollow commentary, never substance.

The Indian press today creates pseudo-issues, buries the real ones, and defends the caste order beneath the façade of modernity. Even the relatively serious papers lose their liberal mask when questions of reservation or caste equality arise.

Caste Ideology

The press’s emptiness is disguised through phrase-mongering. Big words replace genuine thought. Its editorials speak of development and democracy while the writers themselves live comfortably within structures of inequality. Their vocabulary hides their caste ideology.

National icons are manufactured through manipulation—those who pacify the poor are called “Mahatma,” “Lok Nayak,” or “Lok Manya.” Elections are glorified as festivals of democracy when they are only rituals that divide the poor and strengthen the rich. The media celebrates technology and consumption while ignoring human development. It mistakes gadgets for progress and comfort for civilization.

Left Imperialism

Even the so-called progressive press reveals its bias when it confronts the question of caste or minority rights. Urban newspapers cater to the leisure class, not to the majority living in villages. Books, debates, and discussions that challenge hierarchy find no place. Reading itself has been replaced by entertainment, and entertainment is the new censorship.

This English-educated elite, claiming to be the guardians of “merit,” has degenerated into a caste of consumers. Untouchability thrives, yet the national press looks away. The villages that hold the heart of the country remain invisible. Journalists stay in cities, recycling press releases, producing illusions for an audience that prefers not to know.

Collective Lying

When the oppressed resist, the media unites against them. During the 1984 anti-Sikh violence or the backlash to the Mandal movement, the so-called national press became an instrument of collective lying. It manufactured consent for state brutality, smeared the victims, and silenced dissenting voices. Every time caste contradictions sharpen, the media turns into a chorus of slander.

Lies and fear are its twin tools. When truth threatens power, the press replaces it with panic—crying “terrorism,” “anarchy,” or “disorder.” It is not journalism but propaganda disguised as objectivity.

Freedom of Press

India’s corporate, upper-caste–owned “national press” is the most Much is made in India about the “freedom of the press,” but this freedom belongs only to those who can afford a press. When Dalit journalists exercise that same right, they are punished. This editor was arrested under the Terrorist Act, handcuffed, dragged across the country, and silenced for years. That is the real meaning of press freedom in a caste society.

How can there be freedom of expression when ownership itself is monopolized by a few castes and corporations? The press may be free for the rich, but it remains a prison for the poor. True freedom of the press will come only when its ownership and access are democratized—when it becomes a voice of the people, not of their masters.

Offence as Best Form of Defence

The oppressed cannot wait to be attacked—they must speak first, and speak sharply. To expose injustice is not rudeness; it is self defence. To offend the comfort of the powerful is often the first act of truth.

A newspaper of the marginalized must not merely react to events but seek out the buried facts and bring them to light. Delay means defeat. The Brahminical media manipulates truth with skill; we must learn to read it critically—between the lines, against the grain. Only then can we resist its poison.

Did D.V. Go Wrong on Facts?

Those who are praised by the powerful are rarely genuine; those who are attacked are often the ones who speak truth. Awards, honours, and reputations are tools to discipline and domesticate dissenters. We accept that polemics is not an end in itself—it is a method of struggle. Its goal is not hostility but clarity, not abuse but honesty. It is a way to fight lies with facts and expose hypocrisy through conviction.

Dalit Voice and the Dalit Sahitya Akademy exist not to please the ruling class but to awaken the oppressed. Our readers will correct us if we go wrong; our critics will attack us because we go right.

When the powerful preach freedom but punish dissent, when they praise civility but practice cruelty—then polemic is not a choice, it is a duty.

A Dream Come True

The editorial ‘A Dream Come True’ from Vol. 1, Issue No. 1, 01/06/1981, of the magazine marked the birth of Dalit Voice, a radical and independent publication founded to articulate the concerns of Dalits, Adivasis, OBCs, Muslims, Christians, and other oppressed groups. Emerging from the Karnataka Dalit Action Committee, it arose in a political climate marked by anti-reservation violence, rising Hindu-Muslim tensions, and systemic silencing of marginalized voices in the press, judiciary, and political institutions. What stands out in this piece is its refusal to beg for legitimacy. It challenges the economic, caste, and media structures that render Dalits invisible or misrepresented. It asserts a collective identity of the “persecuted minorities” and identifies a ruling class composed of upper-caste, economically powerful elites — a class-caste nexus still central to structural inequality in India. While rejecting alignment with any political party, Dalit Voice expresses conditional support for Marxist movements — not uncritically, but with the insistence that caste, as a uniquely Indian axis of oppression, must be central to any revolutionary politics. This critique remains relevant today, as both mainstream parties and sections of the Left continue to inadequately address caste beyond rhetoric or electoral arithmetic. Nonetheless, it is clear from the trajectory of anti-caste politics that such relation with the party Marxist Left has remained thin, at best. The editorial’s gender insight — “the woman is Dalit among Dalits” — is ahead of its time, prefiguring later Dalit feminist articulations. Its declaration of solidarity with working-class students, Muslim and Christian minorities, and the commitment to nurturing Dalit writers, still resonates in a landscape where dominant narratives continue to erase subaltern experiences. Reading this today, we find echoes of its warnings: the consolidation of Hindu majoritarianism, the shrinking space for dissent, and the corporate-caste capture of media and institutions. At the same time, its audacious hope — that even a modest first step matters — speaks directly to current generations of organisers, students, writers, and human rights defenders. It reminds us that independent, movement-rooted media is not a luxury but a necessity. Included here as one of the archival texts, this editorial serves as both a historical marker and a political provocation. It asks us not to commemorate, but to re-inherit its spirit — to sustain spaces where oppressed voices speak not through gatekeepers, but in their own radical, fearless, and collective voice.

 

V. T. Rajshekar

 

To bring out a journal of our own has been our long-cherished dream. Persecuted minorities all over India in general, and members of the Karnataka Dalit Action Committee in particular, have been urging us to start a publication.

No doubt we had all the talents and enthusiasm. But what we lacked was funds. Funds will pour if we swim with the current. But the Dalit cause means swimming against the current. There is a chance of getting drowned also. Who will give us funds?

So for quite some time, we were handicapped for want of funds. But funds alone should not stand in the way. When good wishes are there in plenty, funds will prove to be no problem. This has been our experience.

We could not withstand the mounting pressure of our Dalit comrades—representatives of the persecuted minorities: Untouchables, Tribals, Other Backward Classes (OBCs), Muslims, and Christians.

Oppression is increasing day by day. Caste riots have spread from Marathwada to Gujarat. Anti-reservation agitations are threatening to engulf the whole country. Hindu–Muslim clashes are becoming a daily feature. Muslims and Christians are feeling that they are second-rate citizens. Even the very guardians of law and order are joining the forces of oppression.

The persecuted minorities hardly have any friends in political parties, the government, judiciary, police, administration, or professions. Intellectuals are turning dishonest. When there is no friend in these, how can they get a friend in the press? And the press in India is owned by corrupt capitalists and manned by high-caste journalists, with some minor exceptions.

The milk of kindness is getting dried up. The rich are getting richer, the poor poorer. Perhaps these are signs of revolution. Therefore, we thought we better not delay.

About ten percent of the Indian population is ruling us. This “ruling class” is composed of those rich who mostly come from the high castes. It is a class–caste dictatorship. A naked dance of Hindu communalism.

We dedicate this journal to fight this “ruling class” as the Dalit Voice—the voice of all the persecuted minorities of India.

We have a long way to go. Even a million-mile march begins with a first step. And ours is a modest step. We fully know our limitations. But we will try to improve in days to come.

We suffer from no prejudice, no rancour, no ill will. To us, no single individual is our enemy. We are concerned more with issues— primarily social and cultural, and then economic.

We therefore attack the existing corrupt system. We assure that we will mercilessly attack the corrupt system.

Politics is not our playfield. While we may comment, we consider every political party as no friend of the Dalits—persecuted minorities. And the woman is Dalit among Dalits, a slave of the slave.

For all those reasons, therefore, ours will be a unique experiment. Bangalore City has a vast working-class and student population, and they can consider us their trusted friend—a friend of all the poor, struggling people. Dalit writers will be encouraged.

We will support the Left movement as we have the greatest respect for [it]. Our only suggestion is that while adopting Marxism to Indian conditions, it has to be Indianised by taking into consideration the havoc played by the caste system.

We will do our best to propagate the philosophy of Ambedkar, Periyar, and Lohia, and all other progressive thinkers. Genuine Marxists and Rationalists, and all those working for social change, shall count on our support in their struggles.

It is the Dalit Voice.

Uncompromising: The Life and Vision of V.T. Rajshekar

VTR was born in 1932 in a modest rural household in Vontibettu, along the lush coastal belt of Karnataka — in the twilight of pre independence India. His mother passed away when he was still a child, and being raised first by an extended family and later by a stepmother left an indelible mark on his inner world. Throughout his life, he kept his mother’s photograph close — a silent witness to his journey. Surrounded by green fields, forests, and a tapestry of Jain, Hindu, Christian, and Muslim traditions, his childhood was culturally rich but materially meagre. His father, an incorruptible government official with eight children to raise, held the large farming household together with quiet discipline, ensuring there was always enough, if little to spare. That VTR managed to earn a degree in such circumstances was nothing short of a miracle.

He was born into the Shudra Bunt community — a group that falsely claimed Kshatriya status — whose people spoke Tulu, a Dravidian language rooted in the soil of coastal Karnataka. Their world was one of ancestral worship and devotion to snakes and spirits, though Sanskritisation remained relentless, as evident in the blockbuster film Kantara, an RSS distortion of their lived truths. Life was simple and harsh. Fish was the staple diet, with poultry or wild boar reserved for those who could afford such luxuries. Walking miles to reach a school or a doctor was ordinary. The rhythm of the village revolved around agriculture, sustained by fisheries and forestry. From an early age, VTR saw, with troubled clarity, the cruel hierarchies that governed everyday life — the humiliation of the “Harijans,” and the quiet subjugation of women and minorities. These experiences became the moral ground on which his lifelong defiance would stand.

All of this shaped not only the man VTR became but also the convictions that defined him. Even as he found his way, almost by accident, into journalism, the pursuit of social justice remained his enduring compass. Throughout his life, he stood with rural India — with farmers, fisherfolk, and Adivasis — whose struggles he knew not as abstractions but as lived realities. Though his work took him through Bangalore, Delhi, and Bombay, the pull of the soil never left him. In his later years, he returned to Mangalore, and eventually to his ancestral village, where his long journey came full circle. He was cremated there on November 20, 2024 — among the people and land that had first taught him the meaning of dignity.

For many in the South Kanara district, the only route out of poverty was to board a “steamer” to Bombay and seek a livelihood in the city of dreams. VTR did the same, finding work for a time in a textile mill — a small foothold in an unforgiving metropolis. Like countless restless young men of his generation, he discovered in Marx and the language of workers’ rights a moral and intellectual awakening. Yet it did not take him long to see through the casteist rot within India’s communist leadership. Disillusioned but unbroken, he carried that insight into journalism. As a journalist, he threw himself into trade union work and later led a major strike against the Ramanath Goenka management of The Indian Express in Bangalore — an act of defiance that cost him his job but never his integrity.

VTR turned to Ambedkar and Periyar early in his journey and absorbed their thoughts with the seriousness of a seeker who had found his true teachers. Their writings confirmed what he already sensed — that caste was the spine of oppression in India, and liberation required nothing less than a moral and spiritual break from it. He renounced Hinduism and embraced Buddhism, not as a symbolic gesture but as a complete reorientation of life and politics. His convictions were radical, uncompromising, and far ahead of their time — the kind of politics that would scarcely survive in today’s repressive climate. Encouraged by Mulk Raj Anand, VTR launched Dalit Voice — a publication that was not merely a magazine but a movement in print, a start-up like no other.

Nothing was off-limits in his lifelong war against injustice. In a profession dominated — then as now — by upper castes, no senior journalist in mainstream India dared to be as openly anti Brahminical and anti-RSS in both speech and print as he was. His pursuit of equality and rationalism was fearless and absolute. He took on Hindu godmen and temples, the Muslim clergy, the Christian establishment, even Judaism, corporate capital, and the communist parties — sparing no institution that thrived on hierarchy or hypocrisy. His admiration for China’s success only deepened his ideological defiance. By founding the India–China Friendship Association and leading delegations there, he managed to antagonize every Indian regime — from the Congress to the BJP. Convinced that India’s hidden apartheid against Dalits had to be exposed to the world, he sought solidarity across borders — between the Dalit Panthers, the Black Panthers, and all oppressed peoples struggling for dignity. That internationalism was too much for the guardians of India’s caste order. When he returned from an international conference organized by Gaddafi in Tripoli, his passport was impounded in Delhi — silencing his travel for nearly two decades but never his voice.

As the Dalit movement fractured under electoral pressures and internal caste tensions, VTR watched with heartbreak as many of its leaders — men and women he had personally mentored — were seduced by financial rewards and government posts. His closest ideological ally of national stature was Kanshi Ram, yet their visions diverged on one crucial point. While Kanshi Ram believed Dalits were ready to seize political power, VTR held that true liberation had to begin with Ambedkar’s triad — Educate, Agitate, Organize — and that without these foundations, capturing the state would only reproduce its rot. He was unwavering in his conviction that until Dalits built and controlled their own media, they would remain voiceless before the upper-caste monopoly and the venom of the RSS. With remarkable foresight, he persuaded Kanshi Ram to co-found a media house in Haryana; they had even chosen a site and arranged resources for a printing press. But Kanshi Ram’s untimely death at seventy-four ended that dream before it could take shape. I often wonder what might have been — had he lived two more decades and that media house been born, it could have transformed India’s public discourse forever.

Both Kanshi Ram and VTR believed deeply in Bahujan unity — a broad alliance of Dalits, backward castes, and minorities standing shoulder to shoulder against caste tyranny. After Kanshi Ram’s passing, VTR carried this vision further, translating it into action with unflinching conviction. He stood firmly with Muslims, Christians, and Sikhs whenever they were attacked, insisting that the fight for justice could not be waged in isolation. The call to unite Dalits with Muslims and OBCs, naming the Savarnas as the common oppressor, unsettled many within the Dalit movement — but predictably, it never deterred him. Confrontation was second nature to VTR. Legal cases under TADA, POTA, and other draconian laws became a constant feature of his life; it was not unusual to find a police van stationed outside our home. Yet the price he paid for his principles was immense. His support for Sikh self-determination led to his arrest — handcuffed and taken incommunicado from Bangalore to Chandigarh — where he was locked in the high-security Burail Jail for a fortnight.

Every attack from the Savarnas only strengthened his resolve — and expanded his reach. With each controversy, Dalit Voice found new readers among the Avarnas, and reading groups began mushrooming across districts in the country. Subscriptions poured in. I still remember the huge registers that occupied one corner of our small rented home (which my mother had been allotted under rent control as a central government employee — something I doubt exists anymore!). Every subscriber’s name and address were carefully handwritten, one after another. VTR travelled tirelessly, announcing his visits to various cities; readers would organize meetings not just in state capitals but in small towns and district hubs as well. One of Dalit Voice’s most remarkable features was its “Letters to the Editor” section, where every opinion found space, creating lively debates among readers. Each letter was answered personally by VTR — most of them typed by yours truly, which is how I became a super-fast typist.

It would not be an exaggeration to say that no other publication shaped the discourse on Dalit liberation as profoundly as Dalit Voice did between 1982 and 2011. Few publications anywhere have survived that long without corporate or donor support. The movement’s voice resonated beyond English, finding life in Hindi, Urdu, Malayalam, Telugu, Punjabi, and many other languages. There were many occasions when there was simply no money to pay the printer or postage, yet VTR never missed a single edition — except during his imprisonment. He was offered countless inducements over the years — political positions, a Rajya Sabha seat, ministerial posts, even land deals — but he refused them all. He chose integrity over power, independence over comfort. It was a decision that came at enormous personal cost to my mother, who carried the burden of being the family’s sole breadwinner for decades.

VTR tried to keep Dalit Voice alive from Mangalore after moving back there, but the city’s deep RSS entrenchment made it nearly impossible. Printers were threatened and intimidated into silence, forcing the presses to halt. Yet even in that suffocating atmosphere, he refused to yield. VTR has often been described as fearless, but even that word doesn’t do him justice. His courage was not the absence of fear — it was the refusal to let fear dictate what could or could not be said. He faced the full force of a casteist state and society with nothing but conviction, intellect, and an unshakeable belief in equality. For him, the written word was not a profession but a weapon — one forged in truth and wielded in solidarity with the oppressed.

He died as he had lived: uncompromising, unbought, unbowed. In his fire and clarity, VTR left us a challenge — to keep speaking, writing, and fighting until the dream of liberty, equality, and dignity is no longer deferred but realized.

 

Salil Shetty is a human rights activist and former Secretary General of Amnesty International. He previously led the UN Millennium Campaign and was Chief Executive of ActionAid. He is also the son of V. T. Rajshekar.