Nate Clay, Chicago, USA: My name is Nathaniel Clay. I am a journalist from Chicago, III USA. I host a radio talk show (WLS 890 AM) which is heard throughout the US and Canada. About 20 years ago, I met you in Libya at a conference hosted by Mommar Qadafi. I remember the conversation that we had about the Dalits -The Black People of India (which is also the title of your book published from America by Clarity Press) and their struggle against oppression. Next spring 2006 I will be bringing a group of American Blacks on a tour of India. Each year we go to an African country on a cultural and educational voyage of discovery. I am writing you to solicit your advice on putting together my itinerary. We will be vising the country for about 2 weeks. We plan to start in New Delhi and work our way South. I am not interested in the typical tourist trek. I really would like to meet with you in Bangalore and explore the Black community there. Could you please advise me on the kind of activities that would help us become more enlightened about the history and presences of Blacks in India. I believe you know my great friend Runako Rashidi. He and I have the same interest and are both dedicated to exploring the global African dispersion. (naja@nuconceptsinc.com).
Yamin Zakaria. (yaminz@yahoo.co.uk): The capture and subsequent humiliation of a head of state by foreign forces constitutes disgrace for the entire nation. No sovereign nation with an ounce of dignity even facing a vicious dictatorship would concede for a foreign force. especially one with an alien culture and values. to enter its territory to capture and humiliate its leadership. Even if we imagine that there is a popular uprising against a brutal regime, the masses would at most consent to the foreign forces entering the country for: exclusively aiding the removal of the current regime. Subsequently. the foreign forces would be asked to leave the country immediately and the ousted leadership would be put on trial by the indigenous population. In the case of Iraq there was no mass uprising against Saddam Hussein since 1991, and the masses clearly did not consent to the recent unilateral US aggression that began with the “shock and awe” campaign. Even the rebellion in 1991 was confined to certain sections of the Shia community only. If there were genuine grievances across Iraq there would have been a massive rebellion of the kind witnessed in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. For sure Saddam Hussein had many opponents but equally he had many supporters and even today he commands support from the Iraqis. As for the foreign forces, the US invasion was not propelled by the altruistic reasons to end the tyranny of Saddam Hussein against his population. That cannot be the case because it defies logic and reality. The logic being that the US was complicit with the Baathist regime from its inception in 1967 until 1991 aiding it to commit the oppression in the first place. As for the reality, the US is a profit-seeking capitalist nation- not a charitable institution. The recent pictures of Saddam Hussein in his undergarments published by one of the filthiest tabloid newspapers in the UK, the Sun, is designed to inflict further shame upon the Arab-Muslim population. Apart from the above-mentioned reason, exposing someone in their under garments runs contrary to the Islamic values of modesty held by Muslims in general. If the Sun thought that publishing such pictures would be helpful, they could have easily have passed the pictures to an Iraqi or another Arab newspaper. The Sun’s defence editor. Tom Newton Dunn defended his case by stating that Saddam was “hardly entitled to a single human courtesy” as 300.000 people had disappeared under his regime. Saddam Hussein has not even been charged and yet the guilty verdict has been pronounced by the newspaper as if they are the judge, jury and executioner. I suppose the world must now get used to the new legal standards (or lack of) set out by the free world waving the flag of democracy and the rule of law.
Dr. Awtar Singh Sekhon, Box – 60246, University of Alberta Postal Outlet, Edmonton, AB T6G 2S5, Canada: This refers to Sher Singh Bains (IAS) Letter (DV May1. 2005 p.18). Brother Bains has a poor knowledge of the Sikh history. He has not consulted the academic books of the Sikh history from the Sikh point of view. His writing reflects that he is only familiar with the literature produced by the enemies of Sikhs. The Sikh struggle for self-determination by peaceful means began on the very day when they (the forces of Ranjit Singh 1799 – 1849) surrendered their sovereignty to the forces of Maj-Gen Gilbert of the British Empire. The fateful day in the Sikh history was the March 14, 1849. On March 29, 1849, the British agent, Lord Dalhousie, announced the annexation of Punjab to the British Empire. Following Dalhousie’s proclamation of Monarch Ranjit Singh’s Punjab, the very first secular nation of South Asia, to the British Empire, the word “India” was invented to find its place in the dictionaries of the English language and on the world map as well. In other words, Punjab was the first sovereign nation with its own polity, and it never was the part of India. That is, India of the Brahmins and pro- Brahmins. Bains should enrich his knowledge and correct himself that the first use of the word Khalistan (Khalsa means sovereign and stan means land i.e. the land of sovereign people. Khalistan) was made by Dr. (Bhai) Vir Singh of Ludhiana in 1940. He should read the Viceroy’s Report No.8. CAB. XCA 04623 dated May 23. 1947 to the Sikh nation in which he threatened the Sikhs “to keep quiet or be prepared for genocide by the British Army”. The writer is of the opinion that Brig. R.P. Sinha. on 8th March 1991 issued his threat to the Sikhs … a threat to the villagers that all males would be killed and their women taken to army camps to breed a new race if there was any militant activity in their village”. Further, the policies being followed by the Indian administrations, since Aug. 15. 1947 to this day, are generally no different than their (Hindus) British master until the day of transfer of political power.
Dr. Dorothy Anne Masters. Anthropologist, C/o Williamson, 28 – Bridge Road, Woolston. Southampton, SO19 7GQ: I am not getting Dalit Voice. I consider the Dalit Voice as a valuable document- the first of universal appeal for 5,000 years. I miss the paper.
Dr. Dennis Walker, C/o Balaclava Post Office. Melbourne -3183. Australia: The scientific academic study of Australian missionaries in East and West Bengal has hardly begun. For instance, there are Baptist missionary accounts of the encounter between Guruchand Thakur and C.S. Mead in history but there has been no attempt thus far by neutral scholars to utilize indigenous Bengali language sources to reconstruct from the Matua side how that relationship turned out. My research will try to utilize the Shri Guru Chand Charita of Acharya Mohananda Halder to characterize Mead as one of the foreign White actors in Bengal who came in the belief that they will transform its peoples but who in the upshot only see their technological skills seized by indigenous groups to carry forward their own inner development that had already been taking place. This was the experience of C.S. Mead in the relationship that opened with his attempt to convert to Christianity the Matua leader Guruchand Thakur. Mead came to Bengal absolutely convinced of the superiority of the White Protestant Christianity and the way of life it had fostered in Australia. Many members of the Baptist sect in Australia were of humble working-class background but Mead had been born of a rich family: he was a product of Australia’s White Anglo- Saxon ruling class. No doubt Mead also hoped to advance the interests of Britain as an imperial power in Bengal and India. But in Bengal, Mead soon came to feel that Guru Chand Thakur and the Dalit Matua were not the sort of people one could order around. He quickly revised his perception of Guru Chand accepting first that he was his equal and then soon coming to realize that Guru Chand Thakur was his superior in the spiritual divine wisdom and knowledge. He knew he had become the subordinate. My Guru Chand Charita carries many details of Mead functioning as a go-between or facilitator between Guru Chand the Matua and the British colonial administration in Bengal. My research will trace the specifics of Meads enabler function. There is no doubt that the Christian missionary Mead helped bring modern education to the Matua. However, Guruchand acted at every level to contain any attempts to brainwash the Dalit Matua pupils in Christianity. The upward-moving Dalit pupils won modern qualifications, but such qualifications were not enough. Because Hindu racists hated to give jobs to the educated Kamasutra youths. When they came to complain of their suffering to Guru Chand, he is implied by this Matua text to have asked Mead’s advice. While Mead hoped to convert the Matua to Christ with the handful of young men, he was ready to help regardless of whether they embraced Christianity or not. He used his influence in vain to get them jobs. He advised Guru Chand to launch a newspaper like those of the world’s civilized societies to make his followers a known group and to muster them in British- organized settings and institutions. Such political clout would make the British give jobs to the Matua. It was Guru Chand’s command of the miraculous that brought home to Mead that the Matua leader had infinitely more intelligence and knowledge then he did. Guru Chand’s knowledge and vision could span the continents. He could reveal to Mead what was taking place now in the distant homeland of Australia from which Mead was separated by thousands of kilometers of ocean. Towering above Mead as he did, Guru Chand still left him some initiative in his function as the subordinate fixer and facilitator of the Matua Namasudra’s modernization. The construction of the Orakandi High School was a case in point. Guru Chand told Mead to listen carefully:
I want a high school in this village, we want education. education and nothing but education. Without education there can be no uplift for this people.
But while Guru Chand ordered Mead to get moving on the project without delay, he also told the Australian missionary. “Carry it out whatever way you want”. Thus, Guru Chand left a margin of initiative to the useful foreigner. Mead responded that he was willing to help bring the school into existence but that he could only do that with Guru Chand’s full help. “I want your strength to be with me” (Shri Guruchand Charita p.220). Such passages in Namasudra literature establish that the initiative for their modernization came from within the Matua themselves. It was their choice, and they carried it through to completion without converting from their quality Dalit religion to the in some way limited Christianly that Mead held out.
Yakubmamba. Desai Khadaki, at/PO: Kamrey Gam. Surat dt. – 394 180: Though I joined the DV family an year ago I had read all your books which told me all about you and your activities. I met you at the conference for Dalit-Muslim Unity which you inaugurated at Bharuch on 25/8/2002. I bought all the available books at that conference. It was my first attempt to read English books. We Gujaratis are very poor in English. Your books also helped me to correct and enrich my English as your acidic and bold pen forced me to do so and to know more about the upper caste conspiracy to enslave the Bahujans by denying them the knowledge of English. You have devoted yourself not to unite Dalits only but to unite the entire oppressed Bahujan Samaj. But I am sorry the Muslims who once dominated the world in all fields are now a house divided and a spent force. I fear that if the various Firkus do not compromise and unite at least to fight for their common problems they will be finished. I agree with you that the “unity comes out of crisis” as you quoted in the case of Shah Banoo (DV Feb.16. 2005). The second example you have given is of Babri Masjid. It was owned by the Shias who are different from the Sunnis but on the issue the entire Indian Muslims stood like one man. Nobody raised any question about sect or firka. So. you are right in saying that we should not waste time on “unity” which automatically comes out of crisis. You have said many time that there is no difference between the BJP and the Congress in ideology. I read an interview by Jafariyab Jilani in the Milli Gazette. He said some Congress leaders had started an agitation in 1983 itself to force the Indira Gandhi Govt. to open the doors of Babri Masjid to Hindus to perform puja. This proves that there is no difference between BJP and the Congress on Muslims. I am a pensioner, (retired forest officer) aged 67, interested in reading and writing and working as the joint editor of the Umeed Weekly published since last 32 years from Surat in Gujarat.
Gurnam Singh Muktsar. 2 – Bhagat Singh Nagar, b/h Bus Stand, Muktsar – 152 026: Lalu Prasad Yadav is not my cousin. But he is a “national” leader who has different type of qualities unlike all other “national” leaders. He is under regular attack from RSS-BJP walks since the last one decade and more. He is blamed for everything. He was arrested and jailed many times. During the last ten years the press is putting out all sorts of bad news. The Hindu media portrays him as a Rakshasa (villain). None other than Lalu is the enemy of BJP and Hindu nazis. But he is always out of their reach. During the Assembly elections in Bihar some schoolboys were “kidnapped” for which Lalu was held responsible. When the election was over and Lalu could not win majority to form the govt., the “kidnapping” stopped. When none could form the govt … BJP propped up Ram Vilas Paswan but the joker failed. Before the election, some Brahmin Congress leaders misguided Sonia Gandhi against Lalu and the Congress got defeated. BJP. Paswan. Nitish Kumar. Congress and Hindu media -all were fighting against one lone Lalu. Even then his RJD won the largest seats. Lalu’s fresh enquiry on Godhra and its aftermath hit the BJP badly. Lalu like Bali is not ready to meet death. Remember now Brahmins alone are not ruling the country like the olden days, Lalu today is the only strongest leader among Bahujans. He must be supported,
Ramesh Rangaraj, Mahanagar, Flat No.103, Sector-4. Charco. Kandivali (W). Bombay – 400 067: Dr. M.F. Jilthe in DV April 16. 2005 (p.19) said Dr. Ambedkar often wept to think that he could not do anything for his people living in villages where Dalits and Backward Castes are landless laborers. This is the largest force for capturing the political power. Both BSP and RPI have not done anything to organize this landless labor. All villages are covered under the Rural Development Dept. of the state. The village activities are financed by the zilla parishad through the Central and State budgets. If a zilla parishad trade union at state level is formed with block level units, a landless labourer organization can be formed and the people living in villages will get some benefits. Our Independent Labour Union (ILU) which is an apex body of Fule-Ambedkarite trade union at all-India level. will try to form such a trade union (Zilla Parishad Employee Trade Union and Landless Labourer Trade Union) to give relief to our people living in villages.
Bluman Books, S-201, Essel Mansion, 2286-87, Arya Samaj Road, Karol Bagh, New Delhi – 110 095: We thank you for publishing the advertisement of our book Gandhi and Ambedkar on the Budha, by D.S. Anand. Our latest. The Unsung Martyrs of 1857. is also being sent. We also publish censored material from all over the world. Authors whose books, poems. short stories. novels. cartoons etc. have been banned by their respective governments may send their banned writings in English, typed on one side of the page.
C.C. Hedke, SE (Civil). ONGC. IEOT (GF). Civil Eng. Section. Panel. New Bombay – 410 221: A Hitavada (Nagpur) report (14.4.2005) says “Urban Dalits have diluted beliefs compared to their rural counterparts”. Dalits in rural areas who embraced Buddhism by giving up Hinduism 50 years ago have grown to be far more rational today than their urban counterparts, a recent doctoral study suggests. Researcher Geetanjali Mohapatra, who got a doctorate by Nagpur University for this study, says: “I found rural Buddhists far more aware about Buddhism and rational than urban Buddhists”. Geetanjali’s guide Dr. Pradeep Agave, who heads the Department of Ambedkar thoughts, admits that the study dispels the existing hypothesis. Despite being poor and powerless, rural Dalit-Buddhists are still strong followers of this philosophy while those in urban centers have diluted their ways of life. Geetanjali says: rural Dalits are more conscious about caste and politics. In 50 years. the converted Buddhists have done away with the beliefs and traditions of Hinduism. The study reveals Buddhists are not free from caste bondages when it comes to marriages.
M. Abubakkar Khan. ERA No.25. TC-43/211. Malleswaram, Menaced PO. Trivandrum – 695 009: A struggle (satyagraha) is going on before the Kerala Secretariat here for the last 464 days (as on 29.4.05) by the Dalit Federation demanding a statue of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, the Father of India, before the Assembly Hall. Kerala Dalit Federation leader Athanor Surendran and district chairman Kavalier Mahendran are leading the struggle. When all the state govts. have installed the statues of Babasaheb Ambedkar before their legislature only Kerala is left behind. A bronze statue of Babasaheb is getting ready at Madras and expected to be unveiled during June-July this year.
Murukeshan, Palasini, Tempalli House, Palasini PO. Palakkad dt. – 678 505: I am an unemployed Dalit youth living here. During 1996-2002, about 800 Dalit youths including myself took engineering diploma courses at Industrial Training Centre (ITC) under the administrative control of the Scheduled Caste Development Dept. But we are denied our rightful opportunity to get NCVT (National Council for Vocational Training) certificate due to the govt. failure to provide infrastructure facilities to the ITCs as per NCVT guidelines. Meanwhile. innumerable educational institutions are started in this small state even without minimum infrastructure facilities and proper certificates are being issued to upper castes. But our fight for justice remains unnoticed.
Shiv Kumar, Street No.4. Bhai Moolchand Colony, Near Peer Banna Banoo, Sunam Sangrur dt., Punjab – 148 028: Here is a complaint. Dr. Ambedkar books are not supplied either by the Director. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Source Material Publication Committee, Bombay, or by the Manager. Govt. Book Depot. Netaji Subhash Road, Chari Road, Bombay. One bank draft No. 155 186 du. 15/9/04 for Rs. 125 was sent to the Director. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Source Material Publication Committee. Bombay. for the supply of a book, Writings and Speeches of Ambedkar Vol. 17. which was returned by him vide his letter No. BAGS/2004/143 dt. 29/9/04 advising me to send the same to the Manager. Govt. Book Depot, Mumbai, which was subsequently sent by me to him vide my letter dated 7.10.04. Since then, I am communicating with both the authorities but of no use. I have not received any book. Not only this. I even did not get a word in response from the Manager. Govt. Book Depot. Bombay.
Will a member of our DV family in Bombay meet the Manager of the Govt. Book Depot, Charni Road (off the Marine Drive) and show him the above complaint? – EDITOR.
P.S. Sadar. 71 – Kotwal Nagar. Nagpur – 440 022: Your publication of Purushottam Khedekar’s speech. “Marathas declare war on Brahminism. (DSA-2005. Rs.5) is a wonderful example of the cooperation among the Bahujans, a term that includes the Marathas and the Dalits as the major partners. We must try to further increase this cooperation. I am not a member of the Maratha Seva Sangh but took oath as a Shiv Dharmee. That explains my concern for the Shiv Dharma. Dr. Jamanda’s’ report on Shiva Dharma Diksha ceremony at Shandaken is also fine. I had a meeting with Khedekar on April 12 when I tested him in course of our talk. 1 found he had great love for you. That is very heartening for me.
Prof. K.S. Faiyaz Pasha, 10 – Cheran gal Abdul Ghani Saheb Street, Ambur, Vellore dt. – 635 802: You have done a praiseworthy service by writing a book, Weapons to Fight Counter Revolution (DSA-2004. Rs.75) which will be a wakeup call to the persecuted sections of our country. But on p.36, you have stated:
Stop this Hindu-Muslim unity business. This is nonsense. Hindu-Muslim unity is never possible. What is possible is Dalit-Muslim unity.
I quote here from Role of Minorities in Freedom Struggle:
Sir Syed Ahmed Khan. the father of Islamic renaissance in India was also an ardent patriot, nationalist and leader of the Muslims in the 19th century who held that the Hindus and Muslims formed one nation. They are. he said, the two eyes of the beautiful bride that is India. Injure the one and you injure the other. We should try to become one in heart and soul and act in unison, if united we can support each other, if not the effect of one against the other will tend to the destruction and downfall of both. Finally Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s stress on Hindu- Muslim unity came under strain when in 1867 a few distinguished Hindus proposed that the Urdu language and the Persian script which was used for writing should be as far as possible discontinued in the courts of law and that the Hindi Bhasha written in Devanagari script should be added in its place. It was then that Sir Syed Ahmed Khan began to mention that Hindu-Muslim unity was an impossible ideal.
Hence the road is clear for Dalit-Muslim unity whatever other writers have written against it in the DV. But I know you are never tired of championing the cause of Dalit- Muslim unity which will pay rich dividends in due course. My hats off to you. You are great for your revolutionary thoughts.
Dhamma Chari Viveka Ratna, Director, Nagarjuna Training Institute, Nagaoka. Nagpur – 440 001: Training of the third batch ended on May 25. The admission for the fourth batch has started. We are worried over the heavy drop-out this year. We admitted 98 candidates but only 58 are left. The reason is lack of interest in Buddhism. We are interested in candidates. The last date for of application is June 30. Fees Rs.1.500 to cover lodging and boarding expenses. Candidates should know Hindi/ English as the teaching medium will be Hindi.
N. Abdullah. No.7/25 – Patta Mangalam. New Street Extension. Mayiladuthurai. TN – 609 001: I am a retired Asst. Director of TN Govt. Audit Dept, and I belong to the Adi-Dravida (Dalit) community. I embraced Islam in 2003, and I am now leading my life as a proud Muslim. I learnt about you after reading your books which warned me of the Hindu nazi plan to eradicate or destroy the Muslim community. I was very much impressed by your writings. I want to be a DV family member.
Mahendra Bhagat c/o A.Y. Bhagat. G-1, Shraddha Nagar No.3. Baulked Road. Akola – 444 004: On the eve of Babasaheb Ambedkar Jayanti, a seminar on Mool Niwasi (original inhabitants of India) was organized jointly here by BAMCEF. Suryashobha Samaj, OBC Sewa Sangh. Maratha Sewa Sangh, Sambhaji Brigade etc. The hall was packed with Dalit/Bahujan intellectuals. The speakers clarified the concept of Mool Niwasi and explained that it was synonymous with the term Bahujan to unite SC/ST/BCs (65%) and Muslim/Christian/Sikhs (25%: total 85%) who are the non-Aryan victims of Brahminism. Even after 57 years of “independence”, they have not identified their common enemy. The programmed was a grand success.
Biswas, “Millennium”, FE-302. Sector-3. Salt Lake City, Calcutta – 700 106: India being the only country in the world vexed by the unique institution of caste system and consequent prejudices and where the privileged upper castes are armed with the excuse-of divine sanction to harbor such prejudices, the task of the government and the social reformer to set the caste-divided house in order has been arguably a challenging and arduous one. Well-meaning socio-economic reforms for that reason could hardly take off or have been painfully slow. In this prefixed order. social relation and market competitiveness have been as paradoxical as the caste prefixation itself. Excuse to slow down the undoing of the deep-seated rot is natural predisposition in this setting. After 57 years of experiments in constitutional democracy. the same very guarantee clauses, which were worked out for affirmative action, are tragically sighted to bail out the violators themselves. The covert and overt caste slandering and sly exploitations very much stem for patron protege relationship persisting among upper caste minority who think that their just socio-economic rights have been snatched away by the reservation-eaters and equality-mongers. Hence social maneuvers are growing fast to counter the progress. Ideas are being mooted to abuse the “low castes” in the same traditional manner but now with precaution and “politically correct” posturing. The underdogs are being dragged into evidence-insulated private areas and chambers so that they get no justice on crying fowl. The killing, bashing and abuse go on unabated so long as it is limited to private conspiracy. And now it appears even the intellectuals armed with their judicial counter positions do not hesitate to misinterpret the statutes against the social underdogs. The constitutional and statutory provisions that were designed to provide overdue relief to the poor and the underdogs are now being interpreted to compound their miseries all at the hand of the ruling syndicate. Even the government seems not a mute spectator any longer. Two very recent cases have come to light in media that have given queer, legalistic twists and turns to statutory provisions. One, in the case of V.P. Shetty, chairman, IDBI. an accusation, by lodging an FIR was made against him on the grounds of caste slandering by one of his subordinates, a Scheduled Caste. According to a report (TOI. 10/5/05). Shetty, who was taken to custody, was released by the Bombay High Court on the grounds that the incident had not occurred in public. The decision of the High Court added a new twist to the fate of the “low caste” facing such private abuse in exclusive chambers or parlours of the privileged classes. In the second case. L.V. Saptarshi, a senior IAS officer, who acted as the Special Election Observer by CEC at Patna has belatedly accused in a communication to the Union Law Minister that Election Commissioner. B.B. Tandon abused Lalu Prasad Yadav by calling him “low caste” (Yadav was in absentia at the place of this caste-linked vilification) and slapped re-election in Chopra. This was done when Tandon was examining the issue regarding countermanding the Chappa election of Lalu Prasad Yadav in response to a complaint of the BJP candidate. R.P. Rudy. The election was allegedly countermanded seemingly on the ground that Lalu Prasad Yadav is a low caste, as reported by Saptarshi to the Union Law Minister. Evidently at that time there were good relations between Tandon and Saptarshi, both Brahmins, and Tandon could have confined in him, the latter being his caste cohort. The good relation possibly broke down later on, which is not an issue here. For the abuse of Lalu Prasad Yadav it may be noted, however. that in this second case nobody has so far lodged any FIR against Tandon. The Times editorial made two crucial counter- allegations against Saptarshi as reproduced below which echo similar remarks made by L.K. Advani and even the PM. His accusation of caste bias against the EC could severely undermine the institution. The EC is one of the few state institutions along with the higher judiciary that enjoys a degree of credibility. The propriety of Saptarshi action was thus put in question. The editorial referred to the case of V.P. Shetty who, involved in a similar caste slandering case, was released by the High Court. In other words. both the cases are similar, and Lalu Prasad Yadav was also not abused in public and that Saptarshi who made this allegation was himself not free from making such remarks against policemen of Bihar. No.1 the counter-allegation that Saptarshi has undermined the office would be justifiable if the allegation were enquired into and found to be incorrect. Similarly minor nitpicking objections that have also been raised regarding the delay in lodging the complaint and propriety of the allegation against the Election Commission as a constitutional body are suspect. None of these arguments against Saptarshi’s actions, however, deny or disprove that the abuse was really hurdled by the EC, albeit the victim was in absentia. While the complaint itself stares back in black and white, political parties as well as the editor have missed to appreciate that this was signed by Saptarshi as a witness hence this case of abusing a low caste in presence of a witness is not a private abuse but a very public one. It was lack of wisdom and understanding of the situation that one of his brethren who is taken for granted in such abuse case can turn hostile to him. Caste slandering in fact in India go on, on a regular basis in the gossip parlours and most of the privileged classes boast of doing so. The Tandon case is only one of the instances when breaking the caste bond this information has trickled out. The cause could be die-hard self-interest of the complainant, and this also may have also shocked many who take such closed-door venting of feelings as a given safe indulgence. But this is how little boggles of truth surface and find their place in history however by chance and always a little late. The complaint per se cannot be wished away at this stage for the sake of flattery of the EC’s office for which political reasons would be aplenty. Especially when the country is postured to get the right of information vindicated by promulgation of the act, it is hardly justified to say that the rule does not apply to caste slandering made in absentia of the victim. It is quite an understandable political exigency of the political parties to stand by the election commissioner. Elections are after all constantly round the corner. The ECs are to be kept in good humour as they have enviable powers to countermand any election fought or won by incurring heavy expenses. It is around this monstrous inbuilt Catch 22 in the election process that this unethical code of flattering the status and role of election commissioner is to be understood. This time, however, the politicians have gone to the extent of super humanizing the ECs saying that their impartiality is above suspicion. The fact is that the Constitution creates a body or a position but it has nowhere warranted that ECs are infallible human beings, neither has the Constitution exempted them from holding out an acquittal of their impartiality in public. Must we forget that the most power-hungry Chief Election Commissioner. T.N. Seshan, sought the BJP nomination for fighting the election for the post of president promptly after his retirement? May we not conjecture that he camouflaged his weakness while in the impartial chair of the CEC? Was he fully politically impartial when in the chair? To recall, even Tandon was appointed as EC during the BJP regime. What the press and the public for the present is missing in the hype is the fallout of the new code of parlour and chamber vilification of the low caste if such slander is allowed to go unquestioned and consent is manufactured for the same. This is going to give an impetus to the draconian privilege to the already privileged classes to drag the low caste into suitable private chambers and abuse and beat and or bash them verbally (or physically). This will consciously lead where the “low caste” will have no remedy for atrocity and abuse which are normally going as a psychic phenomena in the country. The vast plural society of the country will continue to be held tight in the yoke of slavery. As the ECs are impeachable, their impartiality is never a cosmic given. Neither is it constitutionally guaranteed. The impartiality is to be tested and tried. Even all the orders of the lower benches of the high court and apex courts are subjected to appellate scrutiny where they fall like ninepins time and time again.
Moses Parmar. OM India, 5 – Wazir Hasan Road, Lucknow – 226 001: As per a Geneva report the UN Commission on Human Rights on April 19 adopted by consensus decision to appoint two Special Rapporteurs to tackle the entrenched problem of caste-based discrimination. The Commission was endorsing an earlier decision taken by its sub commission on the promotion and protection of human rights to conduct a comprehensive analysis of the problem and find solutions for its eradication. This is the first time a political body of the UN has referred directly to the problem and the decision is seen as a crucial step in the campaign for justice for South Asia’s Dalits (Untouchables) and communities suffering from similar forms of discrimination around the world. Dalits number around 170 million. (DV May 1, 2005, p.13: “Dalit long march to establish casteism as racism”).
Given the enormous number of people facing such an egregious and systematic denial of their basic rights, it is surprising that the United Nations has taken so long to recognize the problem,
said Ms. Rikke Norland, coordinator of the International Dalit Solidarity Network (IDSN). Vincent Manoharan of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) in India welcomed the decision. He said:
Dalits claim this as a belated victory in the struggle for international recognition of our plight and welcome the stance of the new Indian Govt. which did not stand in the way of the passing of this resolution.
On behalf of the European Union, Ambassador Alphonse Berns of Luxembourg had earlier encouraged all members of the Commission on Human Rights to give the (sub commission’s) resolution the attention it deserves. The EU has been supportive of efforts to raise this issue in the UN bodies. The sub commission will now undertake a 3-year study led by two experts given the title of Special Rapporteurs and will draft a set of principles and guidelines to eliminate this form of discrimination. The decision of the commission comes in the wake of an international consultation held in Kathmandu last year. The relevant UN documents and the Kathmandu Dalit declaration are available at www.idsn.org.
We want to warn our DV family members not to be carried away by the Geneva report. India’s Brahminical rulers are too cunning and crafty and can overcome any hurdle on their rulership – EDITOR.
Sonu Majhi, SPM, Kali mela, Orissa – 764 047: Of the 64 categories of Tribes in Orissa, only 18 are living in the undivided Koraput dt. They are:
Bhattad a, Bhuiya, Bonda Opraaj, Deadeye, Gadara, Gond, Halva, Kandhara, Mondadori, Katiya, Koya, Amaanya, Parenta Opraaj, Opraaj, Penta, Soura, Kondh and Dhuriya etc.
Area-wise their language differs but their traditional culture is the same. Over 95% Tribes are living in rural areas. They worship Nature. Of the 18 Tribes, Prajas has the highest population but backward in education and poor. After 58 years of “independence”, on April 24 they organized a cultural festival, Chaiti Purnima Bhagat at Jey pore. Over 50,00 (both women and men) joined the celebrations. I spoke on their socio-cultural identity. Only the Opraaj subcaste was present. This is a big contribution to your “caste identity” thesis.
Dr. K. Jamanda’s, “Shalimar”, Main Road, Chandrapur – 442 402: Dr. Bharat Patankar, as reported in the daily Samrat (23.4.05), with his followers in the Virodhi cultural movement, are going to stage a demonstration before the Mantra Laya in Bombay demanding (1) a ban on priests to worship at the temple of Vithoba at Pandharpur, (2) the temple be handed over to the elected members of the Varkers, coming from Maharashtra, Karnataka, Goa and AP. (3) All the rituals in the temple should be carried out as per the Sarkari system. From July 18, they will arrange meetings to awaken the people. If the Brahmin priests refuse to quit the Pandharpur temple, the Varkers in January 2006 will stage a big mass protest.
G.P. Chaudhary, “Shobha Bhawan”, Viswakarma Nagar Colony, Kushwaha, Varanasi – 221 001: I am a DV family member since 1989. But I could not become a life member so far. It is not only an investment of Rs. 3000 but DV gives me valuable logical/socio/religious as well as historical facts about India and its Dravidian culture.
Hence DV is priceless. You and your work will becom history. Your name is already written in the hearts c Dalit. I was waiting for your arrival at Varanasi last year during the Sant Ravidass Jayanti but the programme was postponed.
We welcome Brother G.P. Choudhary as our new life-member. We will be too glad to visit Varanasi provided you give us a fitting opportunity. Dalits, BCs and Muslims together make up the Bahujan big majority. Please arrange a day-long function inviting intellectuals from these three sections and we will certainly come to Varanasi which is the historical abode of Budha, Ravidas and Sikhism — EDITOR.
Anil Rangaraj, Bharati Apartment, Guru Nanak Nagar, Durg -491 001: This is in continuation of my article, “Conversion assures self-respect but doesn’t annihilate caste” (DV May 1, 2005, p.7). Geetanjali Mahapatra, who recently received a doctorate from Nagpur University, says rural Buddhists are better informed about Buddhism and rational compared to urban Buddhists.
“Rural Dalits are more conscious about caste and politics”, she says.
Geetanjali thesis is on sociological consequences of conversion of Dalits to Buddhism Yavatkars and Nagpur Dots. She reveals that conversion has helped them to reject Hinduism and accept atheism. Geetanjali’s guide, Dr. Pradeep Agave, says despite being poor and powerless rural Dalits, who converted to Buddhism with Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, are still strong followers of this philosophy while those in urban centers have diluted their ways of life. Geetanjali’s thesis proves that so far, no religion, not even Buddhism, could destroy anybody’s caste (identity). Egalitarian religions only help to empower the converted and destroy casteism but not their caste. Only higher castes (racists) could annihilate caste system by adopting the prescriptions given by Dr. Ambedkar. Dr. Ambedkar said it is not possible to break caste without annihilating the religious notions on which the caste system is founded. Are the Hindus ready to dynamite their “sacred scriptures”? Geetanjali’s thesis supports our Editor’s “Caste identity” thesis: Strengthen every caste by acquiring privilege, power, prestige, property, progress and prosperity (6Ps) that will force the upper castes to annihilate their own caste first.
Dalip Singh Wasan, Advocate, 101-C, Vikas Colony, Patiala – 147 003: Dalits must realise that they alone have to fight and better their lot and that all those slogans of secularism – making provision in the Constitution and making reservations in all walks of life and ensuring with empty slogans that the state and the people of India are committed to better the lot of the Dalits- are false assurances. In spite of all these shows and slogans nothing has been done to better a lot of the Dalits. They are still illiterate, untrained, obliged to carry out the meanest work, still underpaid. Very few of them are in a position to give their children proper education. We cannot expect a better status for them in the near future. The ruling upper castes have been giving false assurances to the Dalits and in return obtaining their votes but at no stage they had supported the Dalits. This is the history of the past six decades. So, time for Dalits to realise that they should not be satisfied with the existing system.
Dr. Sudhir Ranga, Kila Colony, Jhajjar – 124 103: I am sending a copy of the SC/ST Voice for Congress – a 20- page report on how to bring SC/STs back into the Congress Party. I had submitted this to Mrs. Sonia Gandhi on July 9, 2004. Those interested may write for copies.
Jyotirmayi Mandal, Advocate, P-241, Priyanka Nagar, Rajarshi Colony (Gnewuch’d), Kolar Road, Bhopal – 462 016: This refers to DV article, “Conspiracy against Bengali Dalits”, by Capt. Siddhart Barve (DV May 1, 2005, p.22). The Citizenship (Amendment) Bill 2003 is a black Bill for the victims of Bengal’s partition. During the Hindu nazi BJP rule in Delhi, they have systematically tried to enslave Dalits by passing this Bill in December 2003. According to this Bill the refugees came from erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) have been assimilated into Muslim intruders. It is evident from the statement of objects and reasons of the Bill, as given by L.K. Advani, then Home Minister, that the Bill has been mooted with the main object of preventing grant of Indian citizenship to “illegal migrant”, grant of dual citizenship to foreigners of Indian origin and compulsory registration with issue of National Identity Cards for all citizens of India. From the insertion of the phrase “illegal migrant” in the Bill it appears that the govt. wants all types of illegal migrants including Bengali refugees, who have mostly been compelled to take shelter in India clandestinely (without having formal permission of the government) and make them ineligible for registration as citizen of India U/S 5(a)/5(1)(c) of the Citizenship Act 1955. Consequently, the Bengali refugees, who took shelter in India being the victims of communal riots or Islamic policy of the Govt. of East Bengal (Bangladesh) without proper permission of the govt., are liable to be deported to the country of their origin. Though the amendment Bill has been passed in the pretext of curbing anti-national, subversive and terrorist foreign elements and to identify them, in reality it puts millions of Indian patriots and freedom fighters and their successors of East Bengal, who were compelled to take shelter as refugees and seek citizenship and rehabilitation in India. These people had to leave their homeland in alarming condition. severe grief. tension and govt. apathy. In fact, whatever the administrative steps taken by the govt. so far to identify and deport the anti-national or illegal migrants. only the Bengali refugees (Hindu) have been the victims. They have been falsely dubbed anti-national, illegal migrants. terrorists etc. The govt. has taken an anti- Bengali view. After the creation of Bangladesh by issuing an Executive Order NMo.26011/16/71-1C dated 29.11.1971 it suddenly banned grant of citizenship and refugee benefits to all Bengali refugees (Hindu. Buddhist. Christian and Tribes) coming from Bangladesh. Before the massive influx of refugees from East Pakistan, citizenship by registration was given after continuous stay for six months but when the refugees from East Pakistan started coming in large number the eligibility period was extended from six months to five years. And in the eighties, the power of registration was withdrawn from the District Collector and shifted to Union Home Ministry. Thus, it was kept beyond the reach of Laboure class. Again, by the Bill of 2003 the eligibility period for registration has been further extended to seven years and put further proviso of valid migration document. Thus, it has made the future of almost 2 crores of Bengali refugees uncertain in India. The greatest tragedy is that after leaving everything in their homeland, they took shelter in India in perilous condition and stayed here for over 30-50 years. Where can they go when Bangladesh is not ready to accept them? Advani did not think over this question though he himself and all his men who came from West Pakistan but are saved from this Bill. The bill affects only the displaced persons from East Bengal and none else that too only the Dalits. The Bill exempts the people who came to India upto 1948. The remarkable point is that almost all the upper caste people either shifted to India in various cities or urban areas before the partition or migration to India immediately after “independence”. Who remained behind were all from the illiterate Laboure class. They were not aware of the situation. These people are called refugees, displaced from East Pakistan and Bangladesh. They are mostly from Scheduled Castes and Tribes or Backward Castes. The Citizenship (Amendment) Bill -2003 affects only these three categories of the poorest. This is nothing but an anti-Bengali conspiracy. Had the Bengali refugees been from the upper castes there would not have been any restriction on grant of Indian citizenship. Casteism is playing a vital role in Indian policies.
K.L. Jatav. M-II/56, Sector-I, Janki Puram, Lucknow – 226 021: I congratulate you for your powerful and continued campaign against the Brahminical Social Order making the Bahujans aware in each and everything happening in the society. I want to discuss only one problem and its solution. In ancient India. we the Malvasis (SC/ST/BC and minorities) belonged to two groups only. Dravida in the South and Nag in the North. These groups have been divided into about 600 castes and subcastes by the BSO. This division has been made in such a manner that we are still not in a position to reunited even for our common cause. Consequently, we are persecuted, discriminated in all spheres of life. Malvasis are quarreling among themselves, and the controlling power has gone into the hands of BSO. Our innocent people do not understand the BSO tactics against them. The Backward Castes have become true followers of BSO. They are being used against the SC/ ST and minorities. But the BCs are also backward like Dalits. But they do not understand the root cause of their backwardness. Babasaheb Ambedkar has empowered us with equal voting power. But unless we become socially and economically strong, this equal voting power will be of no use. The votes of poor Dalits are purchased. Thus, the principle of democracy (one vote one value) is being denied. BSO is undermining our voting power. Our social and cultural backwardness continues despite our voting power. India has only two isms: Brahminism and Ambedkar’s. Our people are so confused that they don’t know which is to follow. If we oppose Brahminism. then naturally we must follow Ambedkar’s. After Manu, Budha had opposed the caste system. Many other social reformers like Kabir, Nanak. Phule, Periyar etc. have also forwarded the message of Budha. Dr. Ambedkar finally eradicated all types of discrimination by presenting the Indian Constitution. So, we must follow Babasaheb. But our people are misguided by the BSO. They are not admitting Babasaheb as our Saviour and emancipator. They still worship and follow Hindu gods. Until we go on worshipping these false gods SC/ ST/BCs cannot unite. Those who follow Ambedkar’s are normally united but those outside are controlled by the BSO.
S.Venkata Ratnam (Savera), P. Agraharam Colony, Amala Puram – 533 201: I am happy to inform you that I have translated into Telugu the article, The holy origin of Jai Bhim, published in DV Dec.16, 1990 p.8 and printed it as a pamphlet (4 pages) and distributed it on the Babasaheb Ambedkar Jayanti (April 14). The article is taken by D.C. Ahir’s book. I have also started a Telugu monthly. Dhamma Partham. DV readers from AP may contact me.
