Dalit Muslims demand reservation
The caste system is so pervasive in India that it has become a feature of life of all the religious groups in the country. While the Hindus are divided into four classes (Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Shudra) which had divine sanction, the Indian Muslims were placed in two well-defined social divisions (1) Ashraf (noble) and (2)Ajlaf . The first included all undbouted descendents of foreigners and converts from upper castes (Hindus). All other Muslims, including the occupational groups and all low caste converts were “known by the contemptuous term Ajlaf (mean people).
Within these groups, there are divisions with social precedence of exactly the same nature as one finds among the Hindus. It must, however, be mentioned that this division is unique and has been practiced and perpetuated only in the Indian subcontinent. Elsewhere in the Muslim world, no such gradation of Muslim society is found because it is not permitted in Islam.
CASTE AMONG MUSLIMS
The census reports, district and state gazetieers of the British Raj provide invaluable information about various population characteristics including the caste divisions and subdivisions of Indian society. The 1921 census had a special report on caste among Muslims. The detailed discussion about the Muslim castes, their place in the social hierarchy and educational status was not to the liking of the intelligentsia, mostly Ashrafs, who argued that an analysis of caste stratification among the Muslims was uncalled for since it was against the Islamic principles of equality and social justice. However, caste has been a social reality, and sociologists based on empirical research have come to accept that caste divisions exist in Muslim society. The basic difference between the Muslim and the Hindu castes is that while the Muslims have caste division and have practiced it, among the Hindus one finds not only the practice but also the theory of caste.
U.P.EXAMPLE
But the practice of collecting caste- wise data among Muslims was discontinued after the “‘independence”. However, research on social stratification among the Muslims continued and social scientists have made seminal contribution in this field.
A study of Muslim castes in UP made by Ghaus Ansari discusses the origin and existence of caste, caste structure and organization and inter-caste relation among the Muslims. Writing about the Awadh region (central UP), he says:
The region is well known for majerity of Muslim zamindars (landlords) while the cultivators and serving castes are derived from the lower ranks of both Hindus and Muslims. The Ashraf (Sayyed, Sheikh and – Pathan) have been associating themselves with the high status of the feudal system — the zamindars, while serving castes of the villages have been regarded as people of inferior or low birth. Birth alone decided an individual’s social status. Even if a person of low caste, such as Nai (barber) or Gaddi (Grazier) acquired some property and thereby raised his economic status, he would never rank equal with those born as Ashraf, no matter how poor these Ashraf might be. Despite his wealth, he has to remain within his class and caste limits. In the rural areas, the caste impact is still great and the Ashraf (Sayyed Sheikh, Moghal or Pathan) are clearly distinguishable from the rest of the serving castes (Julaha, Kabaria, Dhunia, Manihar, Nai, Qassab, Teli, Gaddi and others).
Ansari further adds that in the urban areas the picture is not much different. In towns most of the professions such as office clerk, schoolteacher, lawyer, doctor and businessman are predominantly monopolised by those who claim Ashraf descent. However, in the urban centers, in contrast to the rural life in the villages, education and economic condition played a significant role in reducing the importance of birth.
Here one can find examples of educated individuals of lower rank who hide their caste distinctiveness and identify themselves with Ashraf by adding to their name’s titles like Sayyad, Khan, Siddiqi and Kidwai.
LITERACY LEVEL
Studies made by Imtiaz Ahmad, Zarina Bhatti, M.K.A. Siddiqui and published in Caste and Social Siralifieation among the Muslims, have further supported the findings of Ghaus Ansari. It is obvious from the studies that the Muslims of low social ranking had no opportunity of education and upward mobility. The following table shows the level of literacy of selected Muslim castes of UP and is self-explanatory.
- AMEDKAR ON MUSLIMS
Hindus had political leaders and social reformers like Gandhi, Phule, Periyr and Dr. Ambedkar who were not only concerned about the plight of Dalits but also actively fought against the evils of the caste system. However, it would be hard to find a solitary example where Muslim social reformers, religious preachers or politicians have written, spoken or made any concerted effort to get rid of a social evil which is opposed to the teachings of Islam.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar admirably sums up the realities of Muslim society in India where a privileged minority has believed in, practiced and perpetuated a hierarchy, which is based on the concept of high and low social gradation: –
The existence of the evils (caste system) among the Muslims is disturbing enough. But far more distressing is the fact that there is no organized movement of social reforms among the Musselman’s of India on a scale sufficient to bring about their eradication. The Hindus have their social evils. But there is this relieving feature about them — namely, that some of them are conscious of their existence and a few of them are actively agitating for their removal. The Muslims, on the other hand, do not realize that they (castes) are evils and consequently do not agitate for their removal. (B.R. Ambedkar: Pakistan or the Partition of India, Thacker & CO, p. 223).
One interesting area of research on caste among Muslims has remained unexplored so far. Vertical stratification based on high and low social ranking has been studied but horizontal segmentation of Muslim castes in most urban and rural settlements of North India remains to be investigated closely. In the towns and cities, having a sizeable Muslim settlement, it is common to find localities having names, which indicate the caste configuration of the population. For example, localities such as Mohalla Sayyadwara, Qazitola, Qazipara, Pathanan, Sheikhpura, Minyan Pura, Sarai Minyan, Mir Ka Mohalla, Jolahtola, Basti Jolahan, Basti Bhishtiyan, Qassabpura, Basti Atishbazan, and Kanjar Wali Sarai etc. make it obvious that members of a particular class inhabit these localities. Moreover, like the Hindus, among the Muslims also the top-ranking castes have their settlements near the city center but those placed at the bottom are to be found close to the periphery of the urban settlement.
WANTED RESERVATION
The Constitution of India provides a blueprint for an egalitarian society. It promises equality of opportunity to all the citizens of the country. However, it is not possible to eradicate age-old inequalities simply by adopting new principles in a constitution. It, therefore, becomes imperative to adopt special measures to at least minimize, if not, bring to an end the inequalities of the past. Reservation is aimed at reducing the levels of inequalities where people are segregated and denied opportunities of education and upward mobility on grounds of birth. It should be noted that equality of status is not possible unless all sections of the people are impartially able to benefit from the existing social order.
MANDAL COM. REPORT
The constitution says that the state may take such steps as are needed to safeguard the interest of the socially deprived groups of communities. Such communities ~ fall into three broad divisions: (i) Scheduled Castes, (ii) Scheduled Tribes, and (iii) Other Backward Classes. The basic argument in favour of reservation for socially deprived has been that special opportunities should be created for this section over and above the general provision for equality of opportunity for all.
Dr. Ambedkar, while placing before the Constituent Assembly such a proposal argued that the aim of_ providing equal opportunities to all” irrespective of caste, creed and community is very important. However, he was of the view that special opportunities must be created for those sections of society which have been severely deprived and disadvantaged.
In the Constitution of 1950, special provisions were made for SC/ST. However, one of the directive principles of state policy said that some measures might also be. ” Adopted for the benefit of OBCs without specifying what these measures should be and who the OBCs are. Therefore, commissions (Kalekar 1953, Mandal 1380) were set up which % identified caste and communities and placed them in the category of OBC. Mandal Commission Report makes interesting revelations about the representation of different social groups in government jobs.
But reservation has provided some scope for SC/STIBCs, nearly half of India’s population, were hopelessly behind.
So, the casteless Indian Muslim is a complete myth. No non-tribal Indian community is free of the evils of caste system. Imtiaz Ahmad’s pioneering work on social stratification, caste and kinship among the Muslims has shown that conversion to Islam could not break the caste structure, especially those based on occupation and hierarchal division of labour. 1t perpetuated g discrimination, inequalities and its removal required affirmative action and positive discrimination. The Kalekar and Mandal reports took into consideration this fact and included “low Caste Muslims” in the list of OBC on the ground that they are socially and educationally backward as the Hindu backward classes and need the benefit of reservation.
The Muslim backward classes feel that their deprivation, because of low social ranking on grounds of birth, has been noted and they will get the benefit of reservation.
However, it is strongly felt that the two decisions need to be reviewed and changed if they are to get any worthwhile advantage from the policy of affirmative action. Under the Government of India Act of 1835, a list of extremely backward castes was drawn up-and was known as SCs. Some of these castes “sighs as Dhobi (washerman), Mochi (cobbler) and Halalkhors (sweepers) had both Hindu and Muslim members and special provisions were made for their social and economic uplift. However, in 1950 a Presidential Order was issued according to which these special benefits would be available to Hindu SCs only. In this way non-Hindu SCs were denied the benefits that 1935 Government of India Act had provided to them. Through an amendment in 18586, the benefits were extended to Sikh SCs and in 1990 this was extended to neo- Budhists.
The Muslim backward classes feel that the denial of benefits of reservation to Muslim SCs is unjust and contrary to the spirit of the Constitution and its principles of secularism and equality.
Much is also being made of the advantages, which have come to the backward classes because of the implementation of the Mandal recommendations. It should be noted that in giving assent or its implementation the Supreme Court in 1992 not only limited the overall reservation to 50% but also inserted an economic exclusion clause under the name of “creamy layer”. It meant that BCs having slightly improved economic condition were out of the purview of reservation. It is obvious that the decision not to provide benefits to Muslim SCs which is given to Hindus, Sikhs and neo-Budhists and denial to the creamy layer among BCs, the advantage of affirmative action is bound to seriously jeopardize the cause of social justice.
References:
Ansari, Ghaus Muslim Castes in Uttar Pradesh, Lucknow, 1960
Ambedkar B.R. Pakistan or the Partition of India, Thacker & CO, Bombay.
Ahmad, Imtiaz Caste & Social Stratification Among the Muslims, Delhi 1963.
Blunt, E.A.H. The Caste System of North India, Madras, 1931.
Hutton, J.H. Caste in India, Bombay, 1946
Nesfield, J.C. A Brief View of the Caste System of Northwestern Provinces & Oudh, Allahabad, 1885.
Reports: Mandal Commission Report of the Backward Class Commission, 1980. Report of the 1931 Census of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh.
